‘Moving base camp will create chaos,’ says Kami Rita Sherpa. (Image: Daniel Prudek / Alamy)

Climbing Mount Everest – at 8,849 metres, the world’s highest mountain – is on many people’s bucket list. Even just reaching Everest Base Camp in northeastern Nepal, at 5,364 metres, is something few people achieve. Except for Kami Rita Sherpa that is, for whom climbing Everest has been a routine for over two decades, sometimes twice or even three times a year.

Born in Thame, a Sherpa village in the Everest region of Nepal, he started working as a porter for trekking companies when he was just 12. Now 55, Kami Rita climbed Mount Everest for the first time in 1994 when he was just 24. This year, Kami Rita reached the summit for the 32nd time, a new world record.

On a sunny day in July of 2022, he spoke to Ramesh Bhushal in a café in Kathmandu. With monsoon clouds advancing from the Bay of Bengal towards the Nepalese capital, he had a bit of leisure time between the spring (pre-monsoon) and autumn (post-monsoon) climbing seasons.

Kami Rita Sherpa, record-holding Everest Climber , image: Ramesh Bhushal

The Nepalese government reportedly wants to move Everest Base Camp to a lower elevation, because of risks associated with climate change – including melting of the glacier the camp is located on – and an increasing number of climbers. But as Kami Rita explains, the plan is not supported by all.

What is your opinion about the government’s plan to move Everest Base Camp?

There is no valid reason to move it. Do you think climate change has impacted just Base Camp? What about the other camps [on the Everest route]? Where will you shift them? If you say climate change has impacted Base Camp, then don’t you think the other camps have also become riskier due to rapid melting of the ice?

Moving Base Camp will create chaos. The camps were established on the basis of the availability of a suitable place, identified through experience and practicality. If you move Base Camp lower, say to [the village of] Gorak Shep [at around 5,150m], then it will just be a stopover before the current base camp, as it’s nearly impossible to hike from the moved Base Camp to Camp I [at 6,150m]. And you can’t stay anywhere in between, as there isn’t any suitable spot except the current base camp. It will be just an added camp, not an alternative.

But the government says it’s becoming more dangerous, and that the decision would create a safer environment for climbers and climbing expeditions’ support staff.

I don’t really think Base Camp has become unsafe or less safe. I think it’s the safest point to camp for preparation before heading up and there isn’t a place nearby that’s more suitable. If you move down a little, it’s even more dangerous. Currently, Base Camp is on the edge of the Khumbu Glacier, and moving it down a bit will take you near the foot of Pumori mountain. That’s the place where an avalanche occurred during the 2015 earthquake and killed scores of climbers and Sherpas.

If you move it further down to Gorak Shep [where a flat area is available], which is over three kilometres south, then how would you provide water? There is no water source nearby and you must walk for an hour or so to get some water from the ice. Currently, Base Camp has meltwater [from glaciers], and even when there is no meltwater, we can crumble ice and melt it to drink. It would be nearly impossible to carry out expeditions at lower levels far from glaciers unless there is a continuous supply of water. It’s about feeding over 1,500 people for over two months [including climbers, porters and support staff], and we need a large amount of water every day.

The Everest climbing route, Camp I to IV, is on the Khumbu Glacier. Studies have shown that the glacier has been shrinking due to rapid melting resulting from global warming. How has this affected climbing?

Rapid melting exposes more rock on mountains and it’s harder to climb rock than ice-covered terrain. It also increases the chances of rockfalls that could cause serious injury or even death. I have noticed more exposed rock, and the length of rock [that has to be climbed] has increased in the past two decades. Between Camp III and Camp IV, there used to be about 50m of rock when I started to climb Everest, but now it’s over 70m.

Likewise, there is a spot called Geneva Spur [an anvil-shaped rib of rock] at 7,300m and more rock has now been exposed there, too. Between Camp IV and The Balcony [a small platform where climbers rest before the summit], there is a triangular face that used to [feature] about 100m of rock to climb, but now it’s about 130m. It’s quite rocky near the Hillary Step [a short rock face near the summit] and that has also increased in length.

Base Camp and camps 1 to 4 on the Nepal route up Mount Everest • Graphic by The Third Pole • Imagery: Landsat/Copernicus via Google Earth

What changes have you seen on Everest since you started climbing?

A lot. I can say that the amount of ice on Everest is less than when I climbed for the first time in 1994. Ice is melting at a faster rate and it’s moving [higher] up, but the bigger problem is that the timing of rainfall and snowfall has become irregular. In 1994 and the following expeditions for some years, it wasn’t normal to drink meltwater in Base Camp at the beginning of climbing in late April. We used to crack ice and then melt it to drink. But now you can get melted water not only in Base Camp, but often in Camp II. This year in April, we got water in Camp II. Now I feel like Camp II is the new base camp.

If shifting Base Camp is not a good idea, what do you think the government should do to ensure that climbing Everest in Nepal is safe and appealing?

I think if a decision is made [to move Base Camp], it will shift more climbers to China. It’s already expensive and challenging to climb Everest from the Nepal side. The Tibet side in China has a lot of facilities and it’s easier to climb from the northern side rather than the southern one. China has electricity and roads up to the base camp. You can go up to 6,500m on yaks. Why would someone come to the Nepal side if you prolong their stay without reason [by creating a longer route]?

Just doing things to make a news headline won’t solve the problem

Instead of moving Base Camp, the government could spend money on providing electricity at the camp, so that we can reduce the use of gas to cook food. [The use of gas canisters by climbing expeditions has been suggested as a factor in the warming of the area.] One expedition uses three gas canisters per day, and there are about 50 expeditions a year. One expedition takes around two-and-a-half months from Kathmandu and back, and most of the stay will be in Base Camp. You can reduce the use of gas if you provide electricity.

Secondly, the government can spend money on providing folding toilets to all expeditions so that we don’t have to carry them every time, and they can charge for the usage. They could invest in providing more reliable weather information and focus on clean-up campaigns [of rubbish left by climbers] along the trail up to the summit.

Toilets on Everest?

Just doing things to make a news headline won’t solve any problem. There are many more things that could be done to create a safer climbing environment and save the mountains, but an easy [fix], like moving Base Camp down, is just a waste of time.

What is your message to the world, which has responded very slowly to reduce carbon dioxide emissions, causing snow and ice in the mountains to melt faster?

The mountains are not just ours. It’s not just Sherpas who would be impacted, or Nepal that would lose revenue from tourism [if the snow and ice melts]. It’s the source of water for billions of people. It’s the heritage of the world. If it’s gone, we are done. I think the only way to keep our mountains white is to reduce emissions from factories, planes and vehicles.

I remember the Dalai Lama saying that one day we will die because there won’t be water to drink. I feel like that will happen some day soon. I would urge the global community to think about it seriously and act immediately. I can’t do much as a climber, except inform people about the situation out there.

I just want to say that the ice on the mountains is vanishing. That’s my information based on experience and it’s up to you to make a decision.

It was first published in Dialogue Earth in July 2022.

Raju Majhi, a fisherman from Majhitar with his catch of the day in the Dhading district, Nepal. Majhi is among thousands who fear resettlement when the project work begins [image: Nabin Baral/Dialogue Earth]

Plans to build Nepal’s biggest-ever hydropower project in western Nepal have undergone a bewildering series of politically motivated changes since 2011. Now it seems the Nepali government cannot get the Chinese contractor to say when construction might start.

Meanwhile, the lives of some 50,000 people are being disrupted for a project. Nepali energy sector experts have criticised as fast becoming financially unviable, due to the falling costs of other renewables, such as wind and solar.

The Budhi Gandaki hydro project was meant to be finished by 2022, almost doubling Nepal’s electricity supply by adding 1200 megawatts (MW). The project plans envisage a lake 45 kilometres long, behind a dam 263 metres high (one of the world’s 10 tallest). The reservoir’s steady flow should permit output of 3.38 billion units of electricity a year. The Budhi Gandaki river is a major tributary of the Gandak river which carries turbulent Himalayan waters into northern India.

The problem? China Gezhouba Group Corporation shows no sign of starting work. It was awarded the contract without a tender in September 2018, a decision that was controversial at the time.

“We have tried to communicate with the company in the past few months, but it hasn’t responded clearly. We can neither say the company is out, nor it’s in. It is between somewhere and nowhere,” said Gokarna Raj Panta, deputy spokesperson at Nepal’s Ministry of Water Resources, Energy and Irrigation.

Between somewhere and nowhere is a fitting description of the lives of farmers and traders whose homes, land and livelihoods are due to be submerged.

In the project office in Siurenitar which was set up to deal with compensation claims, there is frantic activity. Phones ring constantly, and staff are busy taking calls from claimants.

“The government’s first priority is land clearance, so we have already paid about 33 billion rupees (USD 0.3 billion) as land compensation,” said Krishna Bahadur Karki, head of the compensation and resettlement unit. Another 20 billion rupees (USD 0.2 billion) is earmarked to reimburse locals for their houses, animal sheds, trees and other valuable infrastructure, he added.

Most villagers got their first inkling of the coming upheaval in 2013 when the government put restrictions on their rights to sell their lands and property, stating the area would be submerged.

At the time, new roads were under construction, and new towns were forming along the river valleys, driven by two decades of rapid migration from the hills to the valleys.

A drone shot of Khahare Bazaar, one of the biggest settlements on the tributary. The bazaar will be submerged in water [Image: Nabin Baral]

Compensation shortfalls

Forty kilometres north of the dam site, Ghare Gurung runs a roadside grillhouse. Two decades ago, he bought his roadside land in Arkhet township, Gorkha district, using money he had earned as a migrant labourer in Malaysia. He received USD 1,000 in compensation for his land. “Now they have been saying that a 10% depreciation cost would be applied to our infrastructure. If it happens, then I need to pay them instead of receiving money,” he said.

The area affected is a huge proportion of this small country. The project will submerge 45 kilometres of the Budhi Gandaki and another 22 kilometres of the valley of Aankhu Khola, the largest settlement on the tributary.

Gyanu Maya Shrestha, who sells samosa, noodles, tea and sel roti (rice flour bread) in her small hut close to the tributary’s bank in Hepne, in Dhading district, said her business has been blighted twice over.

In April 2015, a 7.8 magnitude earthquake shook Nepal. It destroyed her concrete home and her animal shed, killing her buffaloes, oxen, and goats. Before the quake, officials from the project had measured both structures. “After the earthquake, they remeasured and are telling us that they will compensate for these new makeshifts, not the older house,” she said.

Officials at the compensation and resettlement office responded that the pre-quake measurements were for an environmental impact assessment (EIA) report, not compensation.

While many other quake-hit communities have built new houses, people along these two rivers have not.

Krishna Majhi lives in Gumti village, 10 kilometres north of the damsite. He and his fellow villagers have been living on unregistered land for decades. In May 2017, the council of ministers agreed to include structures on unregistered land in the compensation programme. More than three years later, no payments have been made. Project officials said the payments are in process but could not give any dates.

Meanwhile, Krishna uses part of his cracked old house as a kitchen but has spent five years living in a makeshift structure. There are severe cracks in the house walls. “Another small earthquake would be enough to kill us. We can’t dismantle it as we need to show the authorities if they come to check while paying compensation,” he said.

Krishna Majhi pictured at his house. The walls has cracks from the 2015 earthquake in Gumti, a village in Dhading. [Image: Nabin Baral]

Many promises were made to locals to persuade them to handover their land, including the promise of resettlement. They were asked to fill in forms saying where they wanted to be resettled and what facilities they needed.

“We were told that new villages will be built around the reservoir area up in the hills and we would be provided with all facilities, and a 235 kilometre-long ring road. Now we are hearing that they will build a link road not a ring road. Resettlement plans are not even on the horizon. All these years they made fools of us,” said Sushil Dharel, from Khahare, another village on the Ankhu Khola.

Back at the compensation office, the villagers’ dissatisfaction is no surprise to Karki: “A lot of people are unhappy, which I can understand,” he said.

“The compensation amount is many times higher than the government rates that are in the system. [But] we can’t do what we want, as there are rules,” he said, adding, “There are people who have received hundreds of thousand dollars and have bought houses in cities like Kathmandu too.”

A drone shot of Arughat Bazaar, one of the biggest settlements on the Budhi Gandaki River valley bordering Gorkha and Dhading district in Nepal. The bazaar will be submerged in water. [Image: Nabin Baral]

But locals take a different view. The land market operates informally, and actual rates are much higher than government allocated rates.

While some have done well from compensation payouts, the majority are from marginalised and poor communities. They resent the way the authorities persist in glorifying those who have benefitted, while downplaying the real problems faced by many.

“Our field is irrigable, there is a market nearby and we can produce three crops in a year. Even a small amount of land would make a comfortable living of a family of five to six. I can’t buy a piece of land in an urban area with what I have received from the project compensation, how do I make a living there?” said Pampha Khadka from Khahare, who burst into tears as she spoke.

Nor do government officials in Kathmandu have any clear answers on resettlement timetables. “We have drafted a resettlement policy for the Budhi Gandaki project, but the problem is that there isn’t clarity over the modality of project implementation. Unless its finalised, resettlement is not possible,” said Gokarna Raj Panta, deputy spokesperson at Nepal’s Ministry of Water Resources, Energy and Irrigation.

Botched resettlement policies are creating social problems. Some have spent money on frivolous celebrations, which means they will be homeless and landless if not resettled. Many have used payouts to meet their daily needs or pay debts, buy motorbikes or educate and marry off their children. “I received about USD 900 for a piece of land. I spent USD 100 on my grandchildren and sent USD 800 to my daughter in Kathmandu for her studies,” said Purna Bahadur Ale Magar from Arkhet village.

Environmental damage ignored

According to the environmental impact assessment report, the reservoir will submerge 2,400 hectares of forest holding, 3.5 million individual trees in 38 plant species, and 19 mammal species, 9 of reptiles and 54 of birds. They include 15 protected species, and there are five fish species on the IUCN red list, whose habitat will dramatically change.

Despite this, civil society groups in Nepal have shown negligible concern.

Forty-four cremation grounds, 74 religious sites and 29 historic and cultural sites will vanish.

“Even if you raise genuine and serious concerns, you are tagged as an anti-development goon. I think this has helped to instill fear at all levels and civil society has fallen prey to it,” he added.

Forest conservation achievements are being reversed; 1,500 hectares of community forest managed by 62 community forest user groups that will be impacted. The Pashupati community forest in Majhitaar is one of them. About 200 metres above the riverbank, Suresh Shah pointed out multiple freshly cut tree stumps. “When I try to stop them, they say why do you care about these woods as we have lost everything,” he said. “Feelings of ownership are something that had helped conserve the forest but they’re no more,” he added.

Karki, the project office manager, was unable to answer any questions on environmental issues, and his engineer was equally at a loss. “This is an issue which will be dealt with when construction starts. We have not thought about it and have not been advised on how to deal with it,” Karki said.

With climate change impacting glacial meltwater and making river flows uncertain, Dixit questioned the value of mega-hydro projects: “I think the country is moving towards a very serious and risky business without proper assessment.”

Political chaos

In Kathmandu, three successive governments in the last three years have made as many decisions to award or scrap the contract with China Gezhouba Corporation.

After pre-feasibility study in 1984, the project was sidelined till 2006, when it was opened to international bidders. No expressions of interest were received.

It was next revived in 2011, when Nepal’s power outages exceeded 12 hours per day. Once again, international companies showed no interest, so the government opted to make Budhi Gandaki into a national pride project – a development priority with a bigger budget from domestic resources.

In 2016, the Belgian multinational Tractebel completed a detailed design.

The project was set to move ahead with national funds and management, then China entered the scene abruptly in 2017. A few days before leaving office, erstwhile Nepal Communist party (Maoist) supremo Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s cabinet decided to award the project to China Gezhouba Group Corporation, without any bidding.

In November 2017, the incoming Nepali Congress Party-led government scrapped the contract with China Gezhouba, stating irregularities and lack of transparency surrounding the award. A court action followed. Nepal got another new government four months later, in February 2018. K P Oli became prime minister heading a coalition of Communist parties, which returned the project to China Gezhouba in September 2018.

Now the problem is that China Gezhouba is showing little interest and failing to respond to Nepali government requests for information.

Gyanu Maya Shrestha pictures at her shop in Hepne in Dhading district. [Image: Nabin Baral]

“It’s not that Chinese are less interested now. They are just waiting for a favourable time as there is political chaos in the country,” said Nepali hydro-economist Ratna Sansar Shrestha.

In his view, China’s interest in Nepali hydro projects is limited to making money from construction contracts.

“India has more interest in Nepal’s water as it depends on water that flows from the mountains for irrigating vast swathes of land in the Gangetic plains,” Shrestha said.

Geopolitical friction

The Gandaki river, of which the Budhi Gandaki is a tributary, enters India’s Bihar state and eventually flows into the Ganges.

Both countries signed the 1959 Gandak treaty, which bars Nepal from upstream activities that would impact water flow in Bihar, where millions of hectares of farmland depend on the Gandak’s waters. Water distribution has long been a sensitive issue between the two countries.

However, China’s growing influence within Nepal (it is the largest provider of foreign direct investment) could lead to geopolitical friction, according to a 2018 report from the Asia Society, “The Price of Power: The Political Economy of Electricity Trade and Hydropower in Eastern South Asia.”

Chinese firms recently built two other hydro projects in Nepal at Upper Marsyangdi A and Upper Madi, with combined capacity of 75 MW. Indian state owned and private firms have not built a power project in Nepal since the mid-1980s, the report said.

However, India is promoting cross-border trade in electricity as part of cohering the nascent BBIN (Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal) regional sub-group of nations as a sphere of influence. Both Nepal and Bhutan have objected to the Indian power ministry’s statement in December 2016 that electricity was a “strategic commodity” so non-BBIN foreign powers could not be involved in the supply chain. Both countries have rich potential hydropower exports.

In Shrestra’s view, India is unconcerned about China’s involvement in the Budhi Gandaki project, whose power is solely for domestic use, and it views the reservoir positively.

India made clear it had no interest in investing in or building the Budhi Gandaki project; it withdrew from bilateral talks in the late 90s.

Faulty design?

“While designing the project, the irrigation aspect has been completely ignored,” said Dipak Gyawali, former water resources minister and a noted water resources expert in the country.

Gyawali has also headed a review committee formed by the government to review the design.

“About 100,000 hectares of land in Nawalparasi and Chitwan districts downstream could have benefitted in Nepal, which seems to be a strategy to make India happy,” he said.

“The water that flows in dry months from the reservoir is not flowing water, it’s produced by submerging our land and through our investment. If India uses this water then we should get financial returns,” added Gyawali.

Another problem Gyawali sees in this project is that the dam type is faulty. “For a seismically active region like Nepal, rock filled dams are better than concrete double arch dams as proposed on the design,” he said.

But Laxmi Devkota, the former Chair of the Budhi Gandaki Development Committee, claimed that it has been designed with a serious consideration for earthquake impacts.

“We have designed the current dam with the highest level of earthquake resistance along with international safety standards. There isn’t a point as such to worry,” added Devkota.

Changing market, increasing costs

However, the delays risk making the Budhi Gandaki project financially unviable. Costs are plummeting for other renewables, such as solar and wind power, and emerging hydrogen energy technology.

According to the Asia Foundation report, solar electricity tariffs in Rajasthan, India, fell from more than 19 US cents per unit in 2010 to 3.6 US cents, and wind energy was around 3.7 US cents. Nepal’s hydropower costs 7 US cents per unit to produce.

India, which is Nepal’s expected energy export market, is ramping up renewable energy capacity fast with 37 gigawatts of solar and 38 gigawatts in wind by 2020.

However, Budhi Gandaki’s output is planned for domestic use so need not compete directly in the regional market.

Nonetheless, the technical costs are making its value questionable, even for domestic use. “If we can develop this project within five years then we will definitely save some money, but if it is the next 20 years then it would be a hotpot of corruption for politicians and bureaucrats. It looks like this project is losing its technical strength in terms of cost already,” said Dipendra Bhattarai, an energy expert and doctoral student at the University of Tasmania, Australia.

Finally, the daily power cuts that drove Nepal’s policymakers to revive the project in 2011 have ceased. Nepal doubled its electricity production from 700 megawatts (MW) in 2010 to 1400 MW in 2014. Another 700 MW is likely to be added in the next couple of years. However, Nepal has been importing about 600 megawatts from India in the dry, winter months (November to April) to meet peak demand as the smaller “run-of-the-river” hydropower projects struggle when water levels are low – one motivation to build a big reservoir.

The Budhi Gandaki hydropower plant should have been completed by 2022. In 2015, the project cost was estimated at US$2.5 billion— more than one fourth of Nepal’s total budget that year.

“We have already lost about half a billion dollars in the last four years if we consider just 10 per cent inflation rate. Another one and half billion dollars could have been gained by selling electricity in the four years that were delayed. We are already on loss at total project cost amount” said Laxmi Devkota.

There is always a queue of jars at the stone spouts [image by: Ramesh Bhushal]

RAMESH BHUSHAL

Every morning, just a few metres away from a busy, dusty road in Kalanki, Kathmandu, Ambika Thapa sells water from a 5,000-litre tank. From where she stands, you need only turn your head slightly and the lofty, snow-capped Himalayan mountain range rises into view. Sadly, this vision provides nothing to quench a thirst.

Prabhat Tamang, a customer of Thapa who owns a small, mobile food stall in the area, knows the mountains’ torment all too well. “What can you do with these mountains if they can’t even provide water to drink? It’s like money in the bank – you can see it, but you can’t get it,” he says, smiling.

Thapa’s two tanks rest easily against the landscape, pierced by two taps and covered in advertisements for Nerolac paint. The water she sells comes from a spring nearby, in the hills that surround the valley.

Customers queue, fill their jars and pay, a process more commonly seen at petrol stations. Unlike a regular petrol station, however, Thapa does not have access to automated price and volume readings. Instead, she calculates the sale of the water based on the size of the jars and buckets people bring to fill. The profits she makes are her family’s bread and butter.

Roshni Rana, one of Thapa’s regular customers, lives in a rented house nearby. As she leans her pregnant body towards the tank to fill her jars and a two-year-old boy clings to her side, she explains : “We get water once a week for half an hour from government-installed taps in rented houses. Sometimes they release the water at midnight and we don’t even know as we are all asleep. There aren’t any other options than buying from here.” Once Rana’s 20-litre jars are full, she hands over 10 Nepalese rupees (about seven pence) from her trousers and returns home.

At the end of the working day, Thapa locks up the tank’s water taps before leaving for home herself. “I sell about 3,000 to 4,000 litres of water every day,” she says. “Water has become so precious that every drop has value,” she adds, explaining the strong locks securing the taps in her absence.

According to the Nepalese government’s Central Bureau of Statistics, one in every five Kathmandu households has no access to a domestic water source and two-thirds of its urban households live with an inadequate water supply.

Estimates show that the city of 4 million has a severe water deficit. The demand is triple the current supply of 106m litres a day , which further reduces to 75m litres a day during the dry season [PDF] . Despite growing demand, little has been done to increase supply.

In recent years, the water crisis in the capital has deepened, resulting in a rise in the number of water-selling stations. While the city’s residents are calculating drops of water, scientists estimate 224bn cubic metres of water is lost annually from Nepal into India and Bangladesh. “If you calculate per capita water availability, then Nepal has one of the highest in the world with 9,000 cubic metres (9m litres) and the country holds about 2.7% of the world’s total fresh water available,” says Pennan Chinnasamy, a water resources expert at the International Water Management Institute in Kathmandu.

The answer to why the capital of the world’s most water abundant country is in such a dire situation is as diverse as the rivers that flow through it. About 6,000 rivers and rivulets flow through the small landlocked country between China to the north and India to the south. None of the rivers that flow through Kathmandu city is clean, wells are drying up, the groundwater table is lowering and the water distribution system is weak and inefficient.

Many cite the city’s haphazard development as the main reason for the crisis, while some see politics over water projects as the cause. “We failed to implement our laws effectively on urban development, which led to haphazard urbanisation. Too much politics on development projects aimed to bring water to serve the capital has resulted in this dire situation,” says Kishore Thapa, a former secretary of the ministry of urban development.

The water Ambika Thapa sells comes from a spring nearby. Customers queue, fill their jars and pay. Photograph: Ramesh Bhushal

One of the over-politicised projects he is referring to is the Melamchi water project. The unfinished project was designed in 1998 and set to divert 170m litres of water per day to Kathmandu from the Melamchi River in the Sindhupalchowk district bordering China. Tensions between locals demanding compensation for water diverted from the river, government tussles over various issues, inefficient contractors for tunnel construction and, most significantly, corruption has hampered completion of the project.

But in many parts of the city, pipeline construction for the nearly two-decade-old Melamchi project has gained momentum in the last couple of months, keeping many Kathmandu residents’ hopes alive. “The pipe has arrived after 17 years. Let’s hope some day water will flow down from our taps, as they have been providing air instead of water for many years,” Hari Narayan Maharjan, a resident of Patan in the southern part of the city says with a big smile.

This article was first published in The Guardian .

As the situation has worsened, people have migrated in search of a more reliable source of water near the riverbanks, in areas that were once paddy fields. The villages of Puranogaun and Nibhare in eastern Nepal’s Khotang district are nearly empty. Most households have migrated down to the banks of the Sapsu and Koshi river, an hour’s drive down the mountain. This film by Ramesh Bhushal and Nabin Baral tells the painful story of the people who had to leave their homes.

Production credits:

Directed and produced by Ramesh Bhushal and Nabin Baral
Filmed by Sushil Basnet
Drone operation by Nikesh Maharjan
Edited by Man Bahadur Thapa
Colour by Mitra Dev Gurung

Music:

“The tree told me” by Jeris, CC BY NC
Other tracks not known

Copyright notice:

This video is released under the Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial licence.

This video was first published in Dialogue Earth.

A Bengal tiger in Nepal’s Bardia National Park, home to one of Nepal’s three distinct tiger populations (Image: Marc Anderson / Alamy)

RAMESH BHUSHAL

By the latest estimates, Nepal is home to 355 wild tigers – almost triple the country’s tiger population in 2010, which stood at 121. Nepal was the first country to achieve a target agreed in 2010 among all countries then home to wild tigers: to double their tiger population by 2022. Nepal’s success is all the more notable when compared with the track record of some other countries since 2010: tigers are now considered extinct in Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam.

But an increase in tiger numbers in Nepal has raised some important questions. How many tigers can the country’s protected areas hold? How healthy is the population? And with a growing tiger population posing a potential risk to the communities they live near, what strategies can help to reduce human-tiger conflict?

Dibesh Karmacharya, a noted genetic scientist in Nepal, believes that tiger DNA holds the key to answering some of these critical questions. In 2007, Karmacharya founded a wildlife genetics laboratory, the Centre for Molecular Dynamics Nepal, in Kathmandu. Then in 2011, he launched research into tiger genetics – the first of its kind in the country – which involved collecting tiger scat across Nepal and profiling the animals’ DNA. He has recently published a book based on this research: ‘A Molecular Approach to the Conservation and Management of the Bengal Tiger in Nepal’.

Ramesh Bhushal met Dibesh Karmacharya in his lab in Kathmandu, to learn what secrets of the lives of tigers can be unlocked through studying their DNA, and how this could help both big cats and people in Nepal.

How can using DNA help to accurately count tiger populations?

Traditionally, tiger counting was done mostly by using pugmarks [footprints] to identify individual tigers. This technique relies on measuring a paw print, with a presumption that each paw print is unique. But environmental exposure like ground texture and moisture influences the paw prints, [and] that could result in wide errors in estimates. After pugmarks, camera traps have been in use as a more reliable alternative – this uses a remote camera to capture tiger images with an assumption that each individual tiger has a unique stripe [pattern]. However, there are several disadvantages of camera trapping, including poor performance in difficult terrain, adverse weather conditions, susceptibility to theft or vandalism, and low detection in larger areas. It also demands more human resources.

The molecular approach has advantages over most of those problems. We collect DNA from tiger scat [droppings] to derive a genetic profile of an individual tiger. As DNA differs between every individual tiger there is less error in tiger population estimates.

Could DNA replace camera traps when it comes to counting tigers?

I don’t think at this point [DNA] can totally replace camera traps immediately. We don’t have to carry out DNA study separately, but we can embed this component while conducting tiger surveys. With advancement in the science, it’s not that far off that it could be the principal method [used] to count tigers.

There is resistance from government authorities and a chunk of the conservation fraternity to making a shift from camera traps to DNA. I think it’s mostly because there is a fear about the results. Given nobody wants to say tiger numbers have decreased, there is less space to manoeuvre any result from genetic studies, but it could be a bit easier while using camera traps if anybody wants. Secondly, countries have been saying they don’t have resources to do it.

How expensive is the DNA profiling of tigers?

Currently, half a million dollars is being spent to count tigers by camera trapping in Nepal, but we can do DNA-based counting and analysis with half of that amount.

Dibesh Karmacharya in his wildlife genetic laboratory in Kathmandu, Nepal (Image: Ramesh Bhushal)

What can DNA studies tell us about the genetic health of tiger populations, and the extent to which populations may be isolated?

The tiger population in Nepal can be split into three isolated sub-populations that are separated by agricultural lands or human settlements. The largest population is in Chitwan National Park and the adjacent Parsa National Park in the lowlands of central Nepal. To the west of Chitwan there is another isolated population in Bardia National Park and – further west – a third population in Shuklaphanta National Park. Between 2011 and 2013, the Nepal Tiger Genome Project which I led carried out the first comprehensive genetic study [of these] tigers. We collected 396 tiger scat samples [and] counted 125 individual tigers, 77 male and 48 female.

[We found that] that genetic diversity was slightly better in Bardia National Park compared to others, and this meant that in Chitwan National Park, conservation focus should be more on increasing heterozygosity [genetic diversity] for maintaining a healthy and sustainable population.

We found seven migrant tigers (five males and two females) moving between sub-populations in Nepal. For example, we found evidence of one male and two females moving from Shuklaphanta to Bardia National Park. If they [were to] breed there, then that would likely avert the detrimental effects of inbreeding depression.

What can DNA tell us about the lives of tigers and other species?

When we collect scat, it’s not just tiger DNA that can be profiled. Dietary composition is among other important information we collected in our study – that is not possible through camera trapping. In our study we were able to create a dietary map of tigers.

When we carried out the same kind of study on snow leopards in mountain areas of Nepal, especially in Mustang, we found that the snow leopards’ diet included 43% domestic goats, 55% bharal [wild blue sheep] and 2% domestic sheep. [This means] the snow leopards’ main diet is domesticated animals, and that’s the reason for the human-wildlife conflict.

DNA can be a very effective forensic tool to pinpoint the source of trafficked wildlife body parts – is this being used in Nepal to tackle tiger trafficking?

It’s an emerging science, that has been used in several other species across the globe. We can identify the sex and geographical origin of seized tiger body parts from Nepal by using our genetic database of wild tiger populations that we collected during our study. We applied this technology with 15 seized putative tiger parts, including 13 skin pieces and two blood-smeared knives, which were confiscated by the Central Investigation Bureau of Nepal Police between 2014 and 2016.

All forensic samples were found to be of tigers: 10 males and five females. One genotype of a forensic sample matched 100% with a previously profiled female tiger in Bardia National Park – DNA we have in our laboratory. That meant the female tiger was alive during the period 2011-2013, and that tiger could have been poached very recently [before the confiscation]. The remaining samples didn’t match our DNA profiles, but we were able to identify where those tigers came from. Most samples were from Bardia and Sukhlaphanta regions, pointing to where the poaching pressure was.

How can countries in South Asia better collaborate to embed use of DNA in conservation science?

There are a few labs in India, but they also work in silos. We have one lab in Nepal, whereas Bangladesh and Bhutan have no such lab facilities. Most of the [tiger] habitats in Nepal are connected to protected areas in northwest India. India and Bangladesh share the Sundarbans, and Bhutan and India also share tiger habitats. We can establish a regional tiger genome centre and leverage resources and expertise.

When it comes to genetic research, there is a deeply embedded fear among countries. They regard it [genetic information] as a resource and worry – what if others get information about their tigers? But the overall goal should be to understand endangered species better and act jointly to save the species, as several habitats are connected in the region. We need to build trust and should have willingness to act. We must go into genetic level study if we really want to save tigers and implement management strategies more effectively.

Himalayan Musk Deer: image taken by Martin Walsh and submitted to iNaturalist .

This article was first published in Dialogue Earth ( formerly, The Third Pole) in 2021.

As soon I sat down with Hari Bhadra Acharya, spokesperson at the Department of National Parks and Wildlife Conservation (DNPWC), at his office in Kathmandu in April 2021, he received a call. He was kind enough to put his mobile on speaker mode. “I want to apply for a wildlife farming licence and get the Himalayan musk deer as a seed animal. When should I come to the department and what are the requirements?” a male voice said.

Acharya threw me a smile and answered the caller softly. “We are yet to finalise criteria for wildlife farming, so I am not sure by when that would happen,” he said. The caller insisted: “Last year, we were told we would be able to apply for the licence in a couple of months.” Acharya blamed Covid-19 for the delay and ended the call.

In 2021, Nepal is set to embark upon a new venture: farming wild animals for commercial purposes. Ever since the National Parks and Wildlife Conservation Act was adopted in 1973, the country’s wildlife policy has been based on a philosophy that seeks to protect terrestrial wild animals from commercial exploitation, including strict bans on buying or selling wild animals and their body parts. These protections apply to non-domesticated mammals, birds, reptiles, amphibians and insects, but not to other invertebrates or fish.

Now, Nepal is on the verge of a shift to the commercialisation of wild animals. While some are enthusiastic, others are fearful for the future of wildlife conservation in Nepal.

A new law for wildlife farming

Fifteen minutes after the first call, Acharya’s mobile rang again. “We are planning to apply for a snake farming licence so what are the criteria?” the caller asked. Acharya again blamed the pandemic for delays. “Every day, I get about 10-12 calls like this from people seeking information on wildlife farming,” he said.

There is a reason for these frequent calls. In 2017, Nepal’s parliament passed an amendment to the National Parks and Wildlife Conservation Act, with a new provision to allow farming of wild animals for commercial purposes – the first of its kind in the country’s history. The Ministry of Forests and Environment has since had work to do to make the law implementable. Two years later in 2019, the ministry published a list of wild animals that could be farmed under the amended act, along with regulations laying out details around licensing of commercial wildlife farms. The list named 10 mammals – including several endangered deer species – 12 birds, and all reptiles except pythons.

A crucial element yet to be finalised is a document that lays out criteria and procedures for obtaining ‘seed’ animals – individuals caught from the wild to start captive populations. This would cover how the animals are collected, transported and sold. “If there wasn’t Covid-19 we would have finalised it already,” said Acharya. “Once it is done, anybody interested in farming wild animals listed by the ministry can apply for a licence and, once approved, will get seed animals to start up a business.”

From monkeys to musk deer – a bumpy ride for two decades

Nepal has had a storied journey in wildlife farming so far. In 2003, the Ministry of Forests and Environment passed a policy to enable captive breeding of wild animals for conservation and research purposes. A breeding centre for rhesus macaques, a species of monkey used in biomedical research in the US, was then established in Kathmandu in 2005, with 200 wild-caught macaques as seed animals. US labs were struggling to source an adequate number of monkeys at the time, as India – previously the main supplier – had banned their export in 1978.

Protest groups soon formed to pressure the Nepalese government to end the venture. “It was primarily to serve that purpose of selling monkeys to USA. That policy had nothing to do with conservation or research,” said Mangal Man Shakya, chairman of Wildlife Watch Group, an NGO working on wildlife conservation in Nepal.

In 2009, the Parliamentary Committee on Natural Resources directed the government to immediately ban export of the monkeys, due in part to lack of provisions in the National Parks and Wildlife Conservation Act enabling sale of wild animals. The Ministry of Forests and Environment decided to scrap a deal with the breeding facilities, and freed the captive monkeys. Unfortunately, the majority died as they could not adapt to life in the wild.

Wildlife farming in Nepal then stalled for almost a decade. It made a grand comeback in 2017 with the passing of amendments to the National Parks and Wildlife Conservation Act to allow commercial farming of wild animals. Once again, animal rights and conservation groups vowed to fight against wildlife farming.

“We are preparing to fight against this law in the court and are busy doing paperwork. Nepal is going in the wrong direction and we will keep fighting to ban any kind of wildlife farming in the country,” said Shristi Singh Shrestha from the Jane Goodall Institute in Nepal. She has posted a petition which has received nearly 10,000 signatures. “First of all, it’s immoral to farm any wild animal for commercial purposes. Secondly, this law also allows animals to be used for entertainment like zoos and other exhibitions. It’s insane,” she added.

Lack of consultation and errors raise alarm

The new list of wild animals that may be farmed includes the Himalayan musk deer, a species listed as endangered by the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN). The IUCN assessment highlighted the threat posed to the species by trade in its body parts. Musk deer ‘pods’ – scent glands found in male deer – are traded for use in traditional Chinese medicine and perfumery. Much media interest in Nepal has focused on this species, portraying musk deer farming as an opportunity to make a lot of money by selling the high-value musk pods.

Also on the list are hog deer, listed as endangered by the IUCN, and the swamp deer or barasingha, considered to be vulnerable to extinction.

“There is no clarity on how these species were selected. It is an ad hoc decision of the government. No consultations with stakeholders were held, no scientific studies were done before selecting these species,” said Raju Acharya, executive director of Friends of Nature Nepal, a conservation research organisation.

The selection of birds for the list raises more questions. Out of 12 bird names on the Nepali-language list, two refer to the same species yet give different fees for licences and seed animals. “Ban kukhura and luinche are local names for the red junglefowl but the rules document has listed them as two species. This level of carelessness while taking such a huge decision is worrisome. It’s ridiculous,” said Vimal Thapa, board member of Bird Conservation Nepal, an NGO.

Hari Bhadra Acharya at the wildlife department agreed that no consultations with ornithologists were conducted, and listing the junglefowl as two species was a mistake. “Thanks for pointing out the issue, we will discuss about it in detail and make necessary changes,” he said.

The use of generic terms elsewhere in the list poses potentially greater problems. “[The list] mentioned pigeon or partridge or francolin but there are several species within that family and some of them are threatened too. I don’t know how they are going to execute this policy,” added Thapa.

Similarly, the wholesale listing of ‘frogs’, ‘toads’, ‘tortoise’ and ‘all reptiles except pythons’ means that threatened species within these categories could potentially be covered by the farming guidelines, which allow capture of wild individuals as seed animals. This includes species like the Nepal paa frog, which is endemic to Nepal and nearby northern India. It is found nowhere else in the world.

In seemingly another error, ‘tortoise’ is listed under the heading ‘amphibian’. “Tortoise is a reptile not an amphibian. It’s a shame for the conservation community as a whole that the country’s official legal document fails to recognise where the species listed for farming fall into let alone go other details,” said Karan Bahadur Shah, an expert on herpetofauna and a retired professor at the Natural History Museum at Tribhuvan University of Nepal. “Just a few phone calls with experts would have been enough to avoid these mistakes but no consultations were done.”

Putting policy into practice: frustrated government officials and divided conservationists

While Nepal is just a step away from launching its wildlife farming industry, some authorities within the government are not on board. “Personally, I am against wildlife farming and not happy with what’s going on,” said Hari Bhadra Acharya at the wildlife department. “A couple of other senior officials I talked to have the same opinion.”

I asked Acharya why he was going ahead with implementing the policy if he was not happy with it. His answer was simple: “Lawmakers are keen to move it forward. We cannot hold it [up] any more as it’s beyond our capacity.”

Support for wildlife farming is not solely restricted to politicians. Some conservationists have also argued that wildlife farming is something that Nepal should move ahead with, but carefully.

“I don’t see wildlife farming as a problem. If done properly and monitored effectively it will be a win-win for both conservation and economy,” said Raju Acharya of Friends of Nature Nepal.

How would that happen? I asked. “Regulated farming of abundant species for commercial purposes would provide economic benefits to the communities and reduce pressure on wild populations as it would eventually help to reduce poaching,” he said.

Conservationists in favour argue that economic benefits to local communities are essential to sustain conservation of wild animals. They suggest that wildlife farming could offer a source of income that means communities don’t have to rely on hunting animals from the wild.

The kalij pheasant is found throughout the Himalayas into Southeast Asia. It is included on the Nepali government’s list of wild animals that can be farmed for commercial purposes (Illustration: Kabini Amin)

“It’s not an issue of for or against wildlife farming in general. We need to be wise and think about how economic benefits could be harnessed without undermining the values of wild conservation, and much also depends on the status of species we select for farming,” said Ghanashyam Gurung, head of WWF Nepal.

However, Hari Bhadra Acharya at the wildlife department worries that in practice, commercial farming could lead to more illegal killing and trade of wild animals. “If somebody who establishes a farm kills animals from the wild, or buys from poachers and sells its meat or wild body parts, then how do we identify the source of that product? It’s technically tough to deal with these kinds of issues.”

In other countries where wildlife farming is practised, such as in China and Vietnam, such issues have occurred repeatedly. They include farms capturing wild individuals to top up captive populations or passing off wild-caught animals as farmed without the costs involved in raising them.

Acharya questions the supposition that wildlife farming can be effectively monitored in Nepal. “We are already understaffed so monitoring is nearly impossible with current human resources,” he added.

However, others don’t see this as an adequate reason to eschew wildlife farming. “If we lack capacity to implement rules and regulations effectively then we need to increase it. I don’t think just prohibiting every legally possible activity to operate is a good idea,” said Raju Acharya from Friends of Nature Nepal.

With preparations for wildlife farming developing apace, other government departments are also laying the groundwork. The Forests Act, amended in 2019 by the Department of Forests, lists wildlife farming as a type of “forest enterprise” that could be promoted. “Any person, body, group or community may, subject to the prescribed standards, also carry out agro-forestry, herbs farming and wildlife farming,” the act reads.

“Imagine if all community forests or private forest owners start up wildlife farming as a potential source of income, then where do you go to monitor?” said Hari Bhadra Acharya. There are over 20,000 community forest users groups in Nepal, with significant areas of private forests across the country.

Advocates have an answer to this, though not a complete solution. “We can put up a quota system based on availability of seed animals, we don’t have to give it to everybody who arrives at the doorstep with an application,” said Mukesh Chalise, founder of the Natural History Society of Nepal, an NGO.

While regulations over sourcing of seed animals are for now still on the desks of officials at the central Ministry of Forests and Environment, provincial governments are already gearing up to prepare themselves for the business. “We have allocated a USD 150,000 budget for a project to establish a Himalayan musk deer farm in Mustang district. Field-based study has been done and we are currently finalising it,” said Maheshwar Dhakal, secretary at the Ministry of Forest, Environment and Soil Conservation in Gandaki province.

Will wildlife farming saturate, or increase, demand?

One major argument made by advocates of wildlife farming is that if farming is allowed, it will eventually reduce hunting pressure on wild population of the species. “We should allow farming of animals that are abundant. For example, the kalij pheasant is among the most illegally hunted species in Nepal and is relatively abundant. If [it is] farmed then that would put less pressure on the wild population as the meat demand would be met from the farms,” said Raju Acharya of Friends of Nature Nepal.

But whether wildlife farming actually increases or saturates demand for wildlife products is a contested issue globally. “There is no evidence that farming of tigers or trade in products from farmed tigers reduces demand for wild tiger products,” said Debbie Banks, campaign lead for tigers and wildlife crime at the Environmental Investigation Agency, a UK-based NGO. “Even with a supply of farmed tiger products, perceptions among some consumers that wild is better persists,” she added.

A 2018 study from Vietnam on consumption of bear bile – used in traditional medicine in East and Southeast Asia – found that consumers were less interested in consuming bile from farmed bears. They were willing to pay more for bile from wild bears. The study concludes that “the case of bear bile farming in Viet Nam provides an example of wildlife farming failing to reduce pressure on a once widely distributed and relatively abundant species.”

A 2016 study on wildlife farming by conservation researcher Laura Tensen argued that wildlife farming can only benefit wild populations if five conditions are met, including that consumers show no preference for wild products versus farmed alternatives; farms do not need to take animals from the wild for restocking; and farms do not ‘launder’ illegal wildlife products. “For most species encountered in the wildlife trade, these criteria are unlikely to be met in reality and commercial breeding has the potential to have the opposite effect to what is desired for conservation,” Tensen concluded.

“Already a hotspot for poachers and an established trade route for illegal wildlife body parts, Nepal is likely to [face] bigger problems if the country jumps into this new business without adequate preparation,” said Kumar Paudel, co-founder of NGO Greenhood Nepal. “You have to comply with stricter rules if you go legal, so farm owners may show a part of the business as legal and [also] opt for illegal trade which would be easier to operate.”

Community benefits called into question

Several conservationists have questioned one of the foundations of the new wildlife farming policy, namely the assertion that rural communities would reap economic benefits. “With the current policy there are slim chances that the poor and marginalised will be benefitted. It is designed for those who have enough [money] to invest and take it as a business venture,” said Paudel.

The costs as laid out in government documents would likely be unaffordable for many Nepalis. According to the regulations published in 2019 by the government, it will cost around USD 900 to get a licence to farm Himalayan musk deer, and more than USD 700 for each seed animal bought from the government. The prospective wildlife farmer must also cover all costs including travel for government officials to source seed animals, and transport of the seed animals. The annual per capita income for Nepal was around USD 1,070 in 2019, according to the World Bank.

Acharya at the wildlife department is unclear on how communities would benefit. “Our plan is to provide farming licences to a few selected companies,” he said. If so, the policy offers little possibility of uplifting the lives and livelihoods of poor and marginalised communities, I suggested. “I agree to some extent, but it can create jobs for communities and in the long run as the business flourishes they would be able to get seed animals from those farms established and start up their [own] businesses,” said Acharya.

Image: White-rumped Vulture in captivity at Betana Wetland in Morang District, eastern Nepal. In Nepal, rescued animals like this are kept in captivity by Community Forest User Groups, which refer to these facilities as mini zoos.( Ramesh Bhushal)

Traditional Chinese medicine companies see a business opportunity

Since the wildlife farming law was passed by parliament in 2017, traditional Chinese medicine companies have been trying to partner with established conservation organisations in Nepal.

According to Acharya, at least one Chinese company has filed an application at Nepal’s Department of Industry seeking approval to establish a traditional Chinese medicine factory in Nepal. “The industry department has forwarded their proposal to us for review as it has mentioned use of musk deer scent and snake venom to produce such medicine. It’s under review,” he said.

Two major traditional Chinese medicine companies – Beijing Tong Ren Tang and Beijing Sheng Shi Xingwen Company Limited – are trying to get involved in wildlife farming in Nepal. The Third Pole has seen a letter from Beijing Sheng Shi Xingwen Company Limited and Beijing Tong Ren Tang to the prime minister of Nepal stating their interest in working on wildlife farming.

The National Trust for Nature Conservation (NTNC) – a semi-autonomous organisation established by the government of Nepal – told The Third Pole that Beijing Sheng Shi Xingwen approached it to invest in its Himalayan musk deer farming centre that is under construction in Manang district in western Nepal. “As it’s a private company we told them to get a letter from the Chinese embassy in Nepal stating it’s a recognised agency in China, but they haven’t come up with the document,” said Siddhartha Bajracharya, executive officer at NTNC.

The Third Pole approached both companies for comment prior to the publication of this article, which will be updated if any responses are received.

Farming of musk deer for their body parts is well established in China, beginning in 1958. According to a news report published in 2017, there are over 20,000 musk deer in captivity in China. Nonetheless, wild populations continue to decline due to hunting for their musk as well as because of habitat loss. Musk pods are also frequently seized in Nepal en route to China. “If farming and trade is opened then how would anyone identify whether the musk scent that is being traded is legally acquired or it was extracted illegally from musk deer in the wild? It would make illegal trade easy,” said Kumar Paudel from Greenhood.

Interest from Chinese companies and government agencies in wildlife farming in Nepal, especially of musk deer, is not new. In 2009, a meeting was held with the Chinese embassy in Nepal and the National Trust for Nature Conservation during which potential support from China to establish a musk deer farm in Manang district was discussed. This did not materialise as the development of the wildlife farming policy stalled that year.

But private traditional Chinese medicine companies started to contact agencies in Nepal following the law amendment in 2017. “As it is our pilot project, we want to get Chinese support on technology, help our people get trained by them. If they agree then we can partner to farm musk deer in larger scale to produce musk scent and export to China,” Bajracharya said.

Not all are convinced that foreign investment will come flowing in. Paras Bikram Singh, an expert on Himalayan musk deer who studied at the Chinese Academy of Sciences, said that Chinese companies are assessing the situation in Nepal rather than jumping into investment. “I don’t think China is keen to invest in wildlife farming here immediately, but they want [to] help set [up] farming companies and buy wildlife products, at least for now,” said Singh.

“We need to have clarity on policy whether we want to have foreign direct investment on wildlife farming or not,” added Singh. “If we want investment, we have to speed up our decision-making process and negotiate clearly with those interested to invest. Unless we do that, I do not think anybody will come to invest here.”

In 2019, Nepal and China signed a list of instruments to enhance cooperation between the two countries, one of which was establishing cooperation on traditional Chinese medicine. “Normally traditional Chinese medicine uses a lot of varieties of wildlife body parts and products so eventually this wildlife farming would feed that cooperation that has been envisioned between two countries,” said Kumar Paudel.

A question of timing

As Nepal was finalising criteria for permits for wildlife farming in early 2020, the Covid-19 pandemic started to rage. Experts at the World Health Organization have pointed to wildlife farming in southern China as the most likely source of the virus. Concerns over the disease risk of wildlife farming and trade have prompted calls from across the globe, including in China, to ban consumption of wildlife.

In February 2020, the Chinese government enacted a sudden ban on farming and trade of terrestrial wild animals for food consumption. Farming for traditional medicine, fur and other uses was exempted, and trade in aquatic species – from fish and turtles to giant salamanders – remained legal. Nevertheless, it had a large impact. The government shut down over 12,000 wildlife-related businesses thereafter.

Nepal’s wildlife farming trajectory is seemingly at odds with its neighbour’s turn against farming wild animals for food due to the public health risk. “Our major focus is on meat-based wildlife products, not in… other products, so there is a market that could consume meat-based products domestically. It should be linked more with food security than selling other wildlife products from the farmed animals,” said Maheshwar Dhakal, secretary at the Ministry of Forest, Environment and Soil Conservation of Gandaki province.

But pandemic-induced delays and a change in public opinion may not mean a reversal on wildlife farming from the government of Nepal. “It is not a right time to jump into this business as the world is against it. Though it has stalled sooner or later this is going to happen. It’s just a matter of when,” said Hari Bhadra Acharya.

Landslide in the district of Sindhupalchowk, Nepal (Image: Richard Friedericks)

This article was first published in 2020 in Dialogue Earth.

Basanta Raj Adhikari, an engineering geologist at the Institute of Engineering in Nepal’s Tribhuvan University, pulled out data from his yet-to-be-published research as he spoke to me on Skype in late August. He told me the death figures due to landslides in Nepal. “Between 1972 and 2016 a total of 5,190 people lost their lives in 3,419 landslide events on record,” he said.

While Adhikari was explaining past tragedies, headlines in Kathmandu were dominated by the search operation to retrieve dead bodies after a landslide in Lidi village, near the Koshi river in the district of Sindhupalchowk bordering Tibet. Thirty-nine people died. Only a few kilometres away, in 2014 156 people were killed after a massive landslide swept away another village, Ramche, and blocked the Koshi.

According to a report by the United Nations’ Food and Agriculture Organization published in 2011, Nepal has one of the highest fatalities from landslides in the world. “Between 1950 and 2009, the frequency of fatal landslides was highest in China, followed by Indonesia, India, the Philippines, Japan, Pakistan and Nepal. These seven countries accounted for 87% of the 17,830 landslide-related fatalities reported during that time period in Asia,” the report said.

Relative to population, Nepal has the highest fatality rate in the world.

Counting the bodies

Since 2017 (after the time period studied in Adhikari’s research paper), an additional 490 people have been killed by landslides, according to recent government data. This year alone, 243 have died and 51 are missing. This is the second highest of confirmed casualties on record in the past 10 years, and nearly three times higher than 2019.

So why have authorities failed to respond to one of the country’s major disasters? Adhikari was quick to answer, citing a “lack of prioritisation and willingness to see the depth of this problem”. A report by Department of Water Induced Disaster Management – the authority that used be responsible for dealing with landslides which was scrapped in July – supports this claim. The report reads, “Although huge amounts of funds have been invested every year in disaster management, landslides are not treated as one of the important parameters during the planning and designing stage. Even if treated, it is done without detailed study and investigation, which further enhances the problem.”

Landslides are not a new phenomenon in a country where more than 80% of land is on a slope – and many occur naturally. But experts say that increasing human activities, such as road building, have been making the situation worse. “In tectonically active mountains such as the Himalayas, natural landslides play a fundamental role in the evolution of the landscape. But there is a clear anthropogenic influence in the occurrence of landslides in Nepal,” wrote David Petley, a professor at the University of Sheffield in the UK who is a global expert on landslides, including in Nepal and also runs a landslide blog.

Shaken by earth movers, mired in controversy

Nepal has built thousands of kilometres of roads in the past three decades. After the restoration of democracy in 1990, the country embarked on an aggressive rural road building policy that has led to haphazard construction. According to the Department of Local Infrastructure Development and Agricultural Roads, there are over 6,600 rural roads with a combined length of almost 60,000 kilometres. Most of these roads were built by local leaders, and were not designed by engineers. They are also poorly maintained.

Global companies that make earth movers, excavators and heavy equipment have rushed to the country. In 2017 Nepal imported 12,712 excavators, bulldozers and cranes, a 30% increase compared with 2016. In 2017, MAW Earthmovers in Nepal sold the most JCB equipment in South Asia and the second-highest amount globally, according to a JCB India statement.

Anil Pokhrel heads the recently established National Disaster Risk Reduction Management Authority (NDRRMA) under the Ministry of Home Affairs. Over the past few months, he has been flying around the country with top politicians handing out relief packages to landslide victims. “Everywhere we visited, the local leaders said that haphazard road construction has put the communities under threat but said they had warned people not to cut the slopes so brutally,” he said.

Then who is responsible? “Central government is not effective in monitoring and guidance, whereas local governments lack capacity to handle it properly. And then there is pressure from the communities themselves to construct roads. So, it’s a mix of everything,” Pokhrel said.

But Madhukar Upadhya, a watershed expert and the author of a book Ponds and Landslides, said, “Most of the local leaders have investments in this heavy equipment so they are keen to make money by providing contracts to these earth movers.” Upadhya added, “It’s not local individuals who put pressure to build roads. It’s mostly a nexus between local leaders and contractors.”

Roads built without oversight by engineers are more prone to landslides. “An average villager on the hillside dreams of having a house near the road and starting up a business. So people crowd near these haphazardly built roads without proper assessment of the risk. This has also increased loss of lives in recent years,” said Pokhrel. A recent study by Adhikari and his team showed that more landslides happen along roads. “We found rainfall-triggered landslides are more than twice as likely to occur within 100m of a road than landslides generated by earthquakes,” the report said.

Ignorance is not strength

Geologists say that many villages in the hills of Nepal are located on old landslides, but people tend to forget quickly. At first, people start to grow crops on landslide debris and then they construct houses. After a few years or decades this becomes a new settlement. New vegetation covering geologic scars helps people to forget what lies beneath. “Everything looks OK from the outside, but the unstable slopes are buying time. Unless we monitor them closely, we won’t know,” said Adhikari.

A study from 2001 recounts one such tragic landslide in western Nepal’s Myagdi district. The report reads, “In 1998, a huge landslide in Myagdi Khola… killed 109 people and the river was temporarily blocked. But, 62 years before that incident, the same landslide had buried the Darbang Bazaar and killed nearly 500 people.”

“If we had had institutional memory, we could have saved those lives. We just wait for another disaster to happen,” said Adhikari.

Trees don’t reduce risk

Some experts say that Nepal has a misguided approach to landslides, due to the widespread belief that tree planting helps minimise risks. “When I first challenged authorities at the Ministry of Forests and Environment, they asked me whether I was an anti-forest campaigner. But I would like to reiterate that forests do not help reduce landslides,” said Madhukar Upadhya.

Nepal nationalised its private forests in 1957, resulting in massive deforestation as people rushed to cut trees. At the same time there was forest encroachment and tree cutting in the lowlands due to state-backed migration from the hills to the densely forested plains bordering India. In response the government introduced new plantation programmes in the 1970s and 80s. Thousands of hectares of community forests emerged.

Experts say while these plantations were not a bad idea it was wrong to understand forest management as a panacea for landslides. “Heavy monsoon downpour causes mass failure of inherently unstable slopes on a large scale and at depths far below the root zone of trees (normally three metres). Forest cover, while desirable for many good reasons, plays little or no role in stopping such mass wasting,” added Upadhyay. “While we covered land with greenery, we forgot about soil management, which has resulted in more destructive landslides.”

One of the landslides that occurred this year is a typical example. In Durlung village in western Nepal’s Parbat district, densely forested land collapsed and washed out four houses on the flat land more than a kilometre downhill, killing nine people. “Nobody would imagine by just looking that such a forested land could collapse. We should remove this deeply rooted belief and put other appropriate measures to control landslides,” said Pokhrel, who visited the area after the event.

Early warning system not rocket science

Setting up early warning systems is one such measure. But while early warning systems for floods have worked well in the past few years, there have been negligible efforts to set up such systems for landslides. In 2018, Adhikari and his team piloted a successful early warning system in Sundrawati, a village in the eastern district of Dolakha. “The pilot system saved 495 people from 117 households in August 2018,” he said.

Landslide early warning systems (LEWS) are more complex than flood systems because robust monitoring of land displacement is required. “But after a short training course, locals can handle this by themselves,” said Adhikari.

A LEWS consists of a microcontroller, extensometer, solar panel, siren and soil moisture sensor. If the system detects deformation or soil moisture changes that exceed a certain threshold, it will alert an assigned person from the community and government security personnel. “This is not rocket science. It can be done if we reduce a minister or high-profile visitor’s chopper costs that happen after each of these landslides,” Adhikari added.

But in many places where landslides have occurred authorities did not take warning signs seriously. Google Maps images of before and after the 2014 landslide in Sindhupalchowk show that several scars emerged on the slope before the huge slope failure that blocked Koshi river for 12 hours, but no one noticed. “A landslide-prone area provides several signs before failing. We need to monitor this closely and act accordingly,” said Adhikari.

Science not a priority

More than 90% of landslides in Nepal occur during the monsoon between June and September. Even within those four months, landslides peak during July and August, according to some research. So any changes in monsoon rainfall patterns directly affect disasters.

See: Extreme rainfall events have more than doubled in the Himalayas
See: Himalayas will see dramatic rise in landslides by end of the century

Landslide risks are only expected to grow. Several studies suggest that monsoon rainfall has intensified in the past few decades due to climate change. “As the majority of landslides are triggered by rainfall, any changes in this pattern would have a direct impact. More studies are needed and science should play a strong role in policy ­– which is not happening in Nepal,” said Adhikari.

For this to happen some experts argue there needs to be a department dedicated to landslides – but responsibility for this has been muddied over the years by bureaucratic restructuring.

Landslides now fall under the remit of the new disaster management authority. But many are sceptical the NDRRMA will be able to deliver an effective response. “I don’t see any dedicated organisation for landslides as the national disaster authority is responsible for everything from forest fires to earthquakes,” said Ahikari.

Disaster management overcentralised

Critics say that the major hurdle in managing disasters is that the home ministry dominates the rescue and relief approach. They say authorities have ignored calls from civil societies, experts and NGOs to split the responsibility for rescue and relief from risk preparedness and mitigation. “Unless we detach them no miracle is going to happen with a newly established agency,” said Amod Mani Dixit, adviser to NGO, the National Society for Earthquake Society.

The NDRRMA’s Pokhrel said that the new set-up is not meant to undermine other agencies but play a “powerful coordinating” role between all agencies. “Landslide research will be at the core of our work in future. However, the most important thing is to build the capacity of communities who are the first responders,” he said.

Pokhrel, who was appointed seven months ago, said there is a silver lining in the new set-up. “My experience over the past few months tells me that due to the authority’s presence, there has been a very high attention to landslides. Two meetings were held with the prime minister alone,” he said. “We will be installing at least a few landslide monitoring stations shortly. There will be an insurance system for all losses and a dedicated wing to research landslides.”

A jackal at a roadside (Image: Sushil Chikane / Alamy)

New research has warned that tigers, Asiatic wild dogs and other apex predators in southern Nepal will be “severely affected” if the construction of a new road is completed.

The Postal Highway and its link roads are planned to extend over 1,700 kilometres, spanning the breadth of the country along the Indian border. So far, less than a fifth of the work is completed, with the remaining sections still under construction across the Terai, the country’s lowlands.

But as the study, published in Nature in February, highlights, the planned highway will cross the distribution area of seven apex predators, and will be entirely built within the range of the dhole, or Asiatic wild dog. Along with the sloth bear and tiger, the dhole is among the species already most at risk due to existing roads, and will be severely impacted by the new project.

What is an apex predator?

Apex predators are non-herbivorous terrestrial mammals that have an average body mass higher than 13kg, or species that are below that threshold but are the main predators in their ecosystems, as defined by the recent study in Nature.

Across Nepal, at least 5,000km of highways are under construction, and work has also begun on the 1,000-kilometre East-West Railway. If built, these infrastructure projects will pass through the habitats of several endangered species, from tigers in the country’s lowlands to snow leopards in its mountainous regions.

Though they promise increased connectivity and development, the projects are encountering difficulties balancing human and social concerns with environmental and wildlife conservation, and have proven divisive between communities, conservationists and authorities.

“Our road construction is ‘demand-based’ instead of ‘need-based’,” said Roshan Sherchan, a Nepali conservationist advocating for wildlife-friendly infrastructure in the country. “Communities may demand [these projects], but the state should weigh in on both economic and ecological benefits, before making decisions to construct infrastructure and build roads wherever is necessary. But it’s very ad hoc now.”

Road controversies in Nepal are nothing new

The concept of a new cross-country road had been mooted for several decades in Nepal before construction finally began on the Postal Highway in 2008. But progress since has been mostly paralysed by financial troubles, delays, disagreements and, latterly, the Covid-19 pandemic. To date, just under 300km of road has been completed, according to the Nature study.

In 2017, construction of a section of the highway was delayed after UNESCO raised serious concerns about plans for the route to cut through Chitwan National Park – the oldest national park in the country, which has been listed as World Heritage Site since 1984. An initial environmental examination (IEE) for this section of the project had been carried out by the Department of Roads and approved by the national planning commission in 2009, but this was deemed insufficient by park authorities and UNESCO.

The state should weigh in on both economic and ecological benefits, before making decisions to construct infrastructure and build roads—Roshan Sherchan, conservationist

A report on the situation, submitted by the national parks department to UNESCO in April 2021, said that the IEE had made “no mention” of the road passing through the park, but “during the construction phase seven kilometres of the road section… was known to fall within the buffer zone”. The buffer zone was established in 1996 to provide access to resources for communities while protecting the core area of the park from degradation.

After a public interest lawsuit was filed against the government, in 2019 the Supreme Court of Nepal ordered construction of the section of road to be halted, and plans for a railway line through the national park also to be stopped. The court ruled that no construction should take place without a full environmental impact assessment, agreed in consultation with the park’s stakeholders.

A road being surfaced in Chitwan district in 2014 (Image: Naresh Newar / Thomson Reuters Foundation, CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)

Though construction hasn’t resumed in Chitwan National Park, work continues elsewhere, including in important bands of forest known as “biological corridors”, which link national parks in Nepal with adjoining parks along the border with India.

The recent research in Nature, which was carried out in Africa, the Brazilian Amazon and Nepal, highlighted the threat that roads can pose to wildlife and these habitat-connecting corridors. It estimated that over 25 million km of new roads will be constructed globally by 2050, with around 90% in developing countries, including Nepal.

“Roads threaten apex predators acutely due to their large spatial ranges, low population densities, low reproductive rates and intolerance to increased human disturbance,” said Bibek Raj Shrestha, an ecologist and one of the authors of the study.

Eight of the 10 species of apex predators most exposed to roads are found in Asia: the sloth bear, tiger, dhole, Asiatic black bear, clouded leopard, sun bear, Sunda clouded leopard and leopard. As Nepal is home to seven of these vulnerable species, close attention and collaborative approaches to road-building will be essential to manage controversies and minimise impacts as work unfolds, the authors conclude: “It is vital that road planning committees include conservation scientists, the voices of all stakeholders – from local communities to government officials – and even wildlife protection organisations.”

Tiger waits for lockdown to cross highway

Other recent investigations in Nepal have also highlighted the impact of roads on apex predators. On 14 February 2021, a tiger was radio-collared in Halkhoriya, Bara district, in southern Nepal’s Parsa National Park. After a couple of weeks, the tiger had travelled over 10km south and reached a major road, the East-West (or Mahendra) Highway – but didn’t cross it. Instead, it moved west, roaming along the highway for over 20km.

One-fifth of total unnatural wildlife deaths in Nepal’s national parks in 2020 were due to road accidents

“Though the tiger reached the highway over five times in three months, it didn’t dare to cross the country’s busiest road,” said Baburam Lamichhane, a senior officer at the National Trust for Nature Conservation’s office in Chitwan National Park, who was involved in the tracking of the animal.

On 20 May, the tiger walked south to the highway again and, for the first time in three months, took a chance on crossing the road. This happened after three weeks of lockdown, imposed by the government at the end of April. “It clearly shows that the tiger had attempted to cross earlier, but decided to cross during the lockdown as vehicular movement was negligible,” added Lamichhane, who is also an expert on tigers.

Source: Department of National Parks and Wildlife Conservation / National Trust for Nature Conservation • Graphic by The Third Pole

In the past five years, at least three tigers have been killed due to collisions with vehicles on the East-West Highway – which runs largely parallel to the Postal Highway route, around 25 km to the north. On 23 January this year, a rhino died after falling in a trench on a newly built roadside in the vicinity of Chitwan National Park, while seven leopards were killed in accidents involving vehicles in 2017 alone. And it’s not only roads that pose a threat: irrigation canals have become death traps for wild animals. In 2016, nine animals drowned in canals that are part of the Sikta irrigation project in western Nepal.

According to the Department of National Parks and Wildlife Conservation, 108 animals were killed in road accidents in 2020 within national parks – nearly one-fifth of total unnatural wildlife deaths that year. The numbers were even higher in the preceding years, with 119 in 2019, 126 in 2018 and 131 in 2017.

“These numbers are just those from inside the national park that have been reported. It would have been much higher if all deaths were recorded properly – forget about the rest of the country,” said Pramod Neupane, a wildlife infrastructure expert who previously worked with the World Wildlife Fund in Nepal.

Wildlife-friendly guidelines in progress

Better protection for wildlife may be on the way. After four years in preparation, the Nepal government has approved its first ever guidelines for wildlife-friendly infrastructure, aimed at curbing the threats and problems encountered.

What is wildlife-friendly infrastructure?

Roads, railways, canals and other types of infrastructure can be designed to enable the movement of wild animals and reduce negative impacts on populations. Examples include structures that allow the passage of wildlife, fencing that enables animals to cross where it is safe, wildlife escape measures and signage to alter motorists to wildlife, according to Development Asia.

An underpass might be the area beneath a large bridge or viaduct, or a section of a drainage pipe set aside for small mammals and reptiles. Some species prefer overpasses, or bridges, although these historically have been more expensive to build than underpasses.

“The cabinet meeting on 10 March has endorsed the guideline and criteria document, but we are yet to receive a copy,” said Meghnath Kaphley, spokesperson at the Ministry of Forests and Environment.

The document is not yet publicly available, but a draft of the guidelines seen by The Third Pole instructs: “The contractor or a concerned agency should prepare the design of wildlife friendly infrastructures, while preparing detailed project report of any infrastructure and submit it for approval before moving into construction phase.”

The guidelines have also set criteria defining “wildlife-friendly” infrastructure. For example, they stipulate that underpasses and overpasses “built for the movement of rhinos and elephants should be of 20 degrees slope at maximum and minimum breadth of 20 metres. For other animals, it could be up to 30 degrees in slope and 10 metres wide at minimum.” The document also specifies measures such as creating tree canopy bridges for animals such as monkeys and squirrels, so that they are able to move from one tree to another and cross obstructions such as roads and railways.

In 2016, more than four decades after the establishment of its first national park, Nepal constructed its first ever underpass, enabling wildlife to cross a road safely. However, at the time there were no guidelines or criteria for this type of infrastructure. There are currently four such wildlife passes around Chitwan National Park. A study of animal movement though these passes showed a significant use of them. Camera traps set by WWF detected 607 animal crossings between August 2017 and June 2018. Of these, 93% were wild mammals and birds, while the remaining 7% were domestic cattle, according to a report on the initiative.

A wildlife overpass in Singapore (Image: Benjamin P. Y-H. Lee / CC BY 4.0)

Krishna Prasad Nepal, deputy director-general at the Department of Water Resources and Irrigation, is hopeful that the new guidelines will help to reduce conflicts and concerns, as stakeholders had been struggling without a clear document outlining appropriate design.

“In Ranijamara irrigation project in western Nepal, we had a plan to level up a wildlife passage with the adjoining land, but later wildlife experts suggested that it doesn’t have to be flat, as elephants can move up and down in gentle slopes, but are reluctant to walk on concrete structures,” he said. “Instead of investing money to increase height we covered the slope with a soil cushion about one metre thick. Elephants have been walking easily now. This document would have been helpful to work on the project from its inception phase,” he added.

Experts have said guidelines are good, but that the country’s narrow concept of infrastructure –for humans only – needs a larger rethink. “Engineers would design longer roads but shorter bridges due to costs. But in wildlife areas, we should construct bridges as long as possible, so that wild animals can use the riverbanks as corridors,” said Pramod Neupane. “Costs need be allocated for other species too, as roads have been connecting people, but disconnecting the rest.”

However, officials are hopeful that the guidelines will help reduce wildlife casualties and support the country’s sustainable development plans, as they can help to embed consideration of wildlife during the project design stage. “To begin with, it would be bit difficult due to higher costs, and discourage investors and donors, but if implemented it will ensure our common future,” said the environment ministry’s Kaphley. “It should be taken as responsibility rather than burden.”

Interviewed by Sanskriti Pokharel for The Kathmandu Post.

It’s rare for an environmental science student to have a journalistic career. Ramesh Bhushal, who began his journey with The Himalayan Times, is now the South Asia Coordinator for the Earth Journalism Network. Recently, he also took on the role of ‘Author’ with the release of his debut book, ‘Chhaalbato: Kailash Dekhi Ganga Samma’.

‘Chhaalbato’ is a chronicle of Bhushal’s 45-day journey from Kathmandu to Kailash Mansarovar, tracing the path from the source of the Karnali River in Tibet to the Ganges in India. Although a book of travels, it transcends the travel genre. The book offers a sociological lens on the countries travelled, touching on diverse topics—from climate and forests to the Dalai Lama, marginalised communities, river politics, and more.

Fueled by a deep wanderlust, Bhushal has always wanted to go beyond desk reporting. This journey allowed him to be on the ground, capturing the transboundary stories he had always aspired to tell.

Looking back on his childhood, Bhushal remembers the impact of losing his father a few months before his birth. “A typical childhood was something I could only dream of,” he reflects. “Life left me no choice but to work hard from an early age. During winter breaks, I would return to my home in Parbat from Kathmandu, where I connected with nature and the Dhaulagiri Mountain. That’s when my love for travel and the wilderness truly took root.”

The Post’s Sanskriti Pokharel sat down with Bhushal. Here’s what he said about his motivation to embark on a 45-day journey, his experiences in Tibet, river politics, and local perspectives on climate change.

What sparked your desire to document your journey in a book?

Newspaper bylines are ephemeral. On the other hand, a book is a solid piece of work that never dies. I have travelled from Tibet to India, from the Nepal-China border to the Nepal-India border, from Koshi to Gandaki, and so forth. During my travels, I gathered a lot of information, and I wanted to use that information to create something everlasting.

In my first book, I focused on the people and the planet rather than simply listing my travels. My goal was to go into the field, engage with locals, understand their views, and share their perspectives.

When I studied environmental science, I realised I am keenly interested in telling stories. Back then, the topic of climate change was an emerging issue. But, it was not getting enough coverage in the media. I realised that a career in journalism would allow me to share stories with a broader audience. While covering environmental issues, I travelled across many continents and saw what’s happening worldwide. Ultimately, this fueled my passion for writing. During the 45-day journey, I collected countless stories worth sharing, which deepened my desire to create something lasting. This combination of wanting to document my experiences and tell stories led me to write the book.

What motivated you to embark on the 45-day journey from Kathmandu to Kailash Mansarovar?

Megh Ale, a river conservationist, had a lifelong dream of journeying along the Karnali, Nepal’s last free-flowing river before it was dammed like many others. He imagined this journey not as a solo mission but as a collaborative expedition with anthropologists, hydrologists, environmental journalists, and photographers. The team aimed to assess the river, tracing its course from Tibet in China down to the Gangetic Plains in northern India. For Ale, the trip was about discovering, understanding, and preserving the river’s stories.

As someone who thrives on field reporting rather than being stuck at a desk, I felt a strong pull to join this journey through China, India, and Nepal. It was an opportunity I couldn’t pass up, as it matched my passion for immersive, on-the-ground storytelling.

How did your experiences in Tibet influence your understanding of the sociopolitical context of the region?

A lot is happening beyond our mountains, and my time in Tibet made me realise that even more. Despite its proximity, Tibet feels farther away than mainland China due to the difficulties in accessing it. A Chinese visa alone isn’t enough to enter; a separate, restrictive pass is required, making it challenging for outsiders to engage, especially with the added language barriers.

Geopolitically, Tibet is a sensitive and controversial region under China’s control. The Chinese government has invested heavily in the area, building infrastructure like railways and hydropower projects. Development is moving southwest from Shanghai and Beijing, and it’s clear that Tibet is being prepared to become as developed as other parts of China.

This strategic development is China’s broader ambition to connect with South Asia, using Nepal as a gateway to India. We are the most accessible pathway to enter India from China. So, they are preparing everything in Tibet.

Beijing and Shanghai are shifting their focus towards the Southwest and are eager to expand their business interests. China wants its people there, and as a result, there’s a gradual influx of diverse populations from mainland China, slowly overshadowing and eroding traditional Tibetan culture.

While in Tibet, I gained insights into issues often overlooked by Nepali media. I made it a point to address these underreported topics in my book, shedding light on the changes happening beyond our mountains.

What did you observe about the communities living along the Karnali River?

I witnessed heartbreaking scenes. Communities in the most remote parts of Karnali are suffering, and there is insufficient food to sustain them. I saw malnourished children and newborns dying within six months due to a lack of proper care and a supportive environment.

Many view the Karnali’s running water as wasted because they lack the means to harness it, and those who do, for hydropower, won’t share the benefits with them. It’s understandable why they see it this way—after all, they are the first to face the consequences. Sadly, these communities, the most vulnerable to climate change, have contributed nothing to it yet bear the most significant burden.

They deserve a better life. They need access to electricity, but more importantly, they should have a say in the decisions that affect their future, with opportunities to raise their voices and be heard.

How do you think river politics and local governance impact people’s lives in these communities?

River politics and local governance are harming communities near rivers. The dominant perception reduces rivers to mere sources of electricity, disregarding their ecological importance.

This mindset has turned rivers into commodities, overshadowing their natural value and leading to their exploitation. For instance, the devastating flash floods in October, which claimed the lives of hundreds of Nepalis, can be partly linked to this narrow perspective on rivers.

Rivers are more than just flowing water—they shape everything from the ecology to the culture of the areas around them. In my work, I’ve tried to tell the stories of people who live by the river and how they feel being near it. These people live in some of the most remote parts of the country, deprived of necessities like clean water and food. They desire a better life, which is not too much to ask. They’ve been promised that hydropower development will bring improvements.

The issue lies in the fact that politicians and stakeholders drive these narratives, focusing solely on the economic gains from river projects. They often assure local communities that these projects will bring prosperity, but the promised benefits rarely reach those directly impacted. Instead, these communities bear the brunt of natural disasters like floods while those in power remain unaffected by the consequences.

The dominant narrative, which neglects the ecological perspective, frames rivers merely as sources of hydropower or as dumping grounds for waste. Despite the profound impact of river politics on local communities, the discussion around river ecology and sustainable use remains largely absent.

You touch upon climate change in your travels. What were some of the local perspectives on climate change that you encountered?

The local people I met in the remotest parts of Karnali were not in a position to debate whether climate change is real. Despite the lack of development, they are witnessing changes in their surroundings. They see the impact firsthand, from shifting rainfall patterns to changes in agricultural practices. They believe the changes they’ve been experiencing over the past 15 to 20 years are not natural or normal.

What was your writing process during and after the journey? Did you keep a journal or document your experiences in real time?

During the journey, I didn’t plan on writing a book. However, I was eager to cover stories. Wherever we went, we engaged with the people we met. Our photographer friend captured those moments, and if the conversation was fascinating, we recorded a video, thinking it might come in handy later while working on stories. I also asked for their contact details, just in case it would be useful. I took every opportunity to capture as many pictures as possible with my phone and camera.

With my headlamp on in the evenings, I would jot down notes here and there. When I decided to write this book, I reviewed all the recordings, photographs, and notes I had gathered on my phone and in my diary.

The process was daunting. In news articles, we move quickly, but in books, every detail, no matter how small, requires explanation. The truth is, I didn’t know how to write a book. However, since this was my first one, I was determined to give it my best.

Chhaalbato

Author: Ramesh Bhushal

Year: 2024

Publisher: FinePrint

You can read the original article in The Kathmandu Post, here.

दाेलखाकाे जिरीमा रहेकाे गुराँस पार्क र पाेखरी। फाेटाे : रमेश भुसाल ।

दाेलखाकाे जिरीमा चैतकाे अन्तिमा साता भएकाे प्रथम बागमती पर्या-साहित्य महोत्सवमा प्रमुख वक्ताको रूपमा दिएको मन्तव्य।

प्रिय साहित्य अनुरागी तथा प्रकृतिप्रेमी साथीहरु,

यो सुन्दर जिरीमा मलाई आमन्त्रण गरेर बोल्ने अवसर दिनुभएकोमा धन्यवाद। गौरीशङ्कर हिमालको दक्षिणी भिरालो भूभागमा लम्पसार परेको यो सानो तर ऐतिहासिक जिरीको सौन्दर्यका बीच मेरा शब्दहरू फिक्का लाग्न सक्छन्। म त्यसका लागि तयार नै भएर आएको छु।

अहिले समुद्री सतहबाट लगभग १९०० मिटरको उचाइमा २७ डिग्री ३८ मिनेट ३१ सेकेन्ड अक्षांश र ८६ डिग्री १३ मिनेट ४७ सेकेन्ड देशान्तरमा उभिएको एकजना व्यक्ति हुँ म। मजस्तै अहिले यो पृथ्वीमा आठ अर्ब व्यक्तिहरू छन्, जसलाई ‘होमो सेपियन्स’ भनिन्छ वा हामीले भन्ने गरेका छौँ। होमो सेपियन्सको अर्थ ‘बुद्धिमान मानिस’ भन्ने हुन्छ। आफैँले आफ्नो नाम राख्दा यति त आफूलाई भन्नैपर्‍यो। तर अरू प्रजातिले हाम्रो नाम राख्न सक्ने भएको भए के राख्थे होला भनेर म कहिलेकाहीँ सोच्छु। मलाई लाग्छ, अरू प्रजातिले मान्छेको नाम राख्न पाउने भए ‘सुइँखुट्टे भस्मासुर’ राख्ने थिए होला । तर दुर्भाग्यवश, यो पृथ्वीमा मान्छेबाहेक अरू कसैले कसैको नाम राख्न सक्दैन। सबैको नाम मान्छे ले नै राख्छ ।

वैज्ञानिकहरूको अनुमान अनुसार यो पृथ्वीमा झन्डै ८७ लाख जीव र वनस्पति हुन सक्छन्।आजसम्म अभिलेखीकरण गरिएका १४ लाखभन्दा बढी जीव र वनस्पतिमध्ये यो पृथ्वीको अधिकांश स्रोतको प्रयोग एक्लो मानिस नामक प्रजातिले गर्छ। बाँकीको पहिचान र अभिलेखीकरणसमेत गर्न बाँकी नै छ। डरलाग्दो कुरा त के छ भने, अभिलेखीकरण गरिएका हजारौँ प्रजाति विगतका केही दशकमा मानिसका कारण लोप भइसके र त्यो क्रम तीव्र छ।

पश्चिममा अफगानिस्तानदेखि पूर्वमा म्यानमारसम्म ३५ सय किलोमिटरमा फैlnएको संसारकै सबैभन्दा अग्लो हिन्दुकुश हिमालय पर्वत शृङ्खलाको एउटा सानो अंश यो भूभाग हो, जहाँ हामी उभिएका छौँ। यो पर्वत, जहाँ एसियाका १० ठूला नदी बग्छन्, जहाँ पृथ्वीको तेस्रो ठूलो हिउँ भण्डार छ र जहाँको नदी बेसिनको क्षेत्रफल मात्रै ३५ लाख वर्ग किलोमिटर छ, झन्डै दुई अर्ब मानिसको पानीको स्रोत यही हो। जहाँ म उभिएको छु, यहाँको पानी गङ्गा नदीको हिस्सा बन्छ। पूर्वमा ब्रह्मपुत्र, इरावड्डी, सालविन र मेकोङ नदी बग्छन्। पश्चिममा सिन्धु (इन्डस) नदी छ, जो अरब सागर छुन पुग्छ। अझ पश्चिममा अमु दरिया छ, जो पामिर हिमालबाट मध्य एसियाको सुक्खा भूभाग भएर बग्छ। उत्तरमा तारिम नदी र तिब्बती पठारको उत्तर-पूर्वमा यलो र याङ्त्से नदीहरू बग्छन्। तिनैलाई बाँडफाँड गरेर अहिले भारत, चीन, नेपाल, थाइल्यान्ड, पाकिस्तानलगायतका दर्जनौँ देश र हामी बासिन्दा बनेका छौँ।

पृथ्वीको उमेर साढे चार अर्ब वर्षको छ। हाम्रो पूरा आयुलाई सय वर्ष आसपास मान्ने हो भने पनि पृथ्वी हामीभन्दा झन्डै साढे चार करोड गुणा जेठो छ। मानिस भन्ने प्रजातिले यो पृथ्वीमा बिताएको पूरै समय हिसाब गर्दा पनि समग्र पृथ्वीको उमेरको जम्मा ०.०००७ प्रतिशत मात्र हुन आउँछ। यो अति लामो समयलाई बुझ्न लेखक डेभिड क्रिस्चियनले निकै रोचक तरिका निकालेका छन्। उनले ब्रह्माण्डको १३.८ अर्ब वर्षको इतिहासलाई १३ वर्ष ८ महिनाको एउटा काल्पनिक समयरेखामा ढालेका छन्। यो हिसाबले हेर्ने हो भने, सूर्य र सौर्य प्रणाली बनेको जम्मा ४ वर्ष ६ महिना मात्र भयो। ६० करोड वर्षअघि ठूला जीवको उत्पत्ति भएको समयलाई मानिसको समयरेखामा झार्दा त्यो जम्मा सात महिनाअघिको कुरा हो। साढे ६ करोड वर्षअघि डाइनोसरको लोप भएको घटना त यो पात्रोमा जम्मा २४ दिनअघिको मात्र हो।

अब मानिसको कुरा गरौँ, चिम्पान्जीबाट मानिसको हाँगो छुट्टिएको जम्मा साढे दुई दिन मात्र भयो। होमो सेपियन्स अर्थात् हामी जस्तो देखिने मानिसको उत्पत्ति त यो समयको तराजुमा जम्मा १०० मिनेटअघि मात्र भएको हो। अनि हाम्रो मानव सभ्यता र सहरहरूको इतिहास जम्मा साढे दुई मिनेटअघिको कुरा हो। तर यो सारा वातावरणीय विनाश र जलवायु परिवर्तनको उत्पात त जम्मा ६ सेकेन्ड अर्थात् पछिल्लो दुई सय वर्षको खेल हो। कल्पना गर्नुस्, साढे चार अर्ब वर्षको पृथ्वीको इतिहासमा अन्तिम ६ सेकेन्डमा एउटा प्रजातिले यो ग्रहको अरबौँ वर्षको सन्तुलनलाई भताभुङ्ग पारिदिएको छ। यो ६ सेकेन्डमा मानिसले जे गऱ्यो, त्यो केही हदसम्म स्याबास भन्नुपर्ने उपलब्धि त हो तर उत्तिकै चिन्ता गर्नुपर्ने विषय पनि हो। होमो सेपियन्स ८७ लाख जीवजन्तु र वनस्पति प्रजातिमध्येको एक प्रजाति हो। यही प्रजातिले हिजो पनि होइन, आज बिहान झिसमिसेमा पनि होइन, अघि भर्खरै वा केही मिनेट वा सेकेन्डअघि गरेको क्रियाकलापले उसको भाषामा विकसित भएको र अरू प्रजातिको भाषामा सिध्याएको पृथ्वीको कथा सामान्य छैन। उसले गरेको विकासको कथा पनि सामान्य छैन र उसले गरेको विनाशको कथा पनि सामान्य छैन।

मान्छे यो स्वरूपमा आएको धेरै भएको छैन। मानिस बुद्धिमा मात्रै होइन, शारीरिक हिसाबले पनि अरूभन्दा भिन्न बन्यो। मान्छेलाई खासमा कुन अङ्गले अरूभन्दा फरक प्रजाति बनायो होला? वा शरीरको कुन अङ्ग सबैभन्दा महत्त्वपूर्ण छ मान्छे बन्नका लागि भन्ने प्रश्नको रोचक उत्तर मैले केही वर्षअघि पढेको एउटा किताबले दिएको थियो। लेखक कोलिन टजले आफ्नो किताब ‘द ट्री’ मा लेखेका छन्— “हामी अरू प्रजातिभन्दा भिन्न हुनुको एउटा मुख्य कारण हाम्रा हातहरू हुन्। फुक्काफाल छाड्न सकिने बलिया हातले हामीलाई मान्छे बनाएका हुन्।” ती डाङ्ग्रेसँग हात छैन, तर पखेटा छन्। कुकुरसँग खुट्टारूपी हात छन्, जुन उसले उभिन मात्र पनि हरहमेशा प्रयोग गरिरहनुपर्छ। गाईगोरु, बाघ वा गैँडासँग पनि त्यस्तै छ। चराले पनि उड्नका लागि पखेटा फिँजार्र्नैपर्छ। बाघले पनि चार हातखुट्टा टेकेरै हिँड्नुपर्छ। मान्छे भने फुक्काफाल हात हल्लाउँदै हिड्न सक्छ।

खासमा हाम्रा यी हातहरूलाई फुक्काफाल छाड्न सकिने बनाएको चाहिँ रूखहरूले हो। टजका अनुसार, हाम्रा पुर्खाले जमिनमा झर्नुअघि कम्तीमा आठ करोड वर्ष रूखहरूमा बिताएका थिए। रूखमा झुन्डिएर ‘चचहुई’ गर्दागर्दै हामीले हातलाई फुक्काफाल पार्न सक्यौँ। हात्ती र सुँगुर पनि चलाख छन्, दिमाग तिनीहरूको पनि छ, तर फुक्काफाल हात छैनन्। लोखर्के तीक्ष्ण भए, बाँदरले पनि जमिन छुन खोजे, तर ती रूखमै अड्किए। मान्छेका पुर्खा भने अलि अघि निस्किए र रूख छाडेर जमिनमा झरेपछि हातलाई फुर्सदिलो बनाए, खुट्टालाई व्यस्त गराए। यदि हाम्रा हात फुक्काफाल हुँदैनथे भने हामी पनि डल्फिन र हात्ती जस्तै तीक्ष्ण तर निराश प्राणी भएर बाँच्न बाध्य हुन्थ्यौँ भन्ने टजको भनाइ छ। फुर्सदिला हात बनाएपछि सेपियन्सले बलिया पाखुरा र चलायमान औँला घुमाएर आज पृथ्वीमा राज गरिरहेको छ। तिनै हात र दिमागको सहाराले बनाएको गाडी चढेर म जिरी आइपुगेको छु। यी हातहरूले खराब मात्रै गरेनन्, कमाल पनि गरे। मान्छेलाई उड्न सक्ने बनाए, गुड्न सक्ने बनाए। विज्ञानको चमत्कारले आज हामी सजिलै पृथ्वी चाहार्छौँ, जहाँ पनि तुरुन्तै बोल्न सक्छौँ। हामीलाई सजिलो त बनायो प्रविधि र विकासले, तर अरू प्रजातिलाई भने निमिट्यान्नै पार्‍यो।

हामी हजारौँ वर्ष आफ्ना पाखुराको बलले बाँचेका थियौँ। हामी देख्थ्यौँ तर के हो थाहा पाउँदैनथ्यौँ। हामी पानी देख्थ्यौँ तर त्यसमा दुईवटा हाइड्रोजन र एउटा अक्सिजन मिलेर बसेका हुन्छन् भन्ने थाहा थिएन। रूख हरियो देख्थ्यौँ तर त्यसको कारण क्लोरोफिल हो भन्ने ज्ञान थिएन। आज मान्छेले माटो, ढुङ्गा, रूखपात, पृथ्वी, चन्द्रमा सबै बुझ्ने भएको छ। सबै कुरा खुट्याउन सक्छ र त्यसभित्र भएका कुराहरू प्रयोग गरेर सामान बनाउन जान्ने भएको छ। आज मान्छेले पृथ्वीका हरेक कुरा बेच्छ।

१६ औँ शताब्दीअघिसम्म मानिस ‘पृथ्वी गोलो छ’ भन्नेसम्म पनि विश्वस्त थिएन। लिनियसले नाम राखिदिएको चार दशकपछि वैज्ञानिक तथा अन्वेषक अलेक्जेन्डर भोन हमबोल्टले सन् १८०२ मा दक्षिण अमेरिकी देश इक्वेडरमा रहेको एन्डिस हिमशृङ्खलाको लगभग एक्काइस हजार फिट अग्लो चिम्बोराजो हिमालको चुचुरोमा टेके। पृथ्वीका सबै चुचुराको नाप नभइसकेको त्यो समयमा चिम्बोराजो विश्वकै अग्लो चुचुरो मानिन्थ्यो। सगरमाथा पृथ्वीको सबैभन्दा अग्लो चुचुरो त हो, तर समुद्री सतहबाट नाप्दा मात्रै। चिम्बोराजो अहिले पनि पृथ्वीको केन्द्रविन्दुबाट मापन गर्ने हो भने सबैभन्दा उच्च विन्दु हो। त्यो उचाइबाट पृथ्वी हेर्ने हमबोल्ट पहिलो मानिस थिए, कम्तीमा लिखित इतिहासमा।

हमबोल्ट कुनै कीर्तिमान कायम गर्न सो हिमाल चढेका थिएनन्। प्रकृतिबारे बुझ्न उनलाई सबैभन्दा अग्लो चुचुरोबाट पृथ्वी हेर्ने मन थियो। औद्योगिक क्रान्ति ल्याउने वाष्प इन्जिन बनेको एक शताब्दी पनि कटेको थिएन। मानिसले पृथ्वी सबै नापिसकेको थिएन, घुमिसकेको थिएन। जहाज उडिसकेको थिएन। रकेटले वायुमण्डल काटिसकेको थिएन। इन्टरनेट कल्पनामै थिएन अनि कम्प्युटरले गर्भधारण गरिसकेको थिएन। पृथ्वी हेर्ने एउटा मात्रै उपाय अग्लो हिमाल चढ्नु हुन्थ्यो। त्यसैले हमबोल्ट आफ्नै पैसा खर्च गरेर स्पेनको उपनिवेशमा रहेको दक्षिण अमेरिकी महादेश बुझ्न पाँचवर्षे अन्वेषण यात्रामा निस्केका थिए।

अठारौँ शताब्दीअघि प्राकृतिक विज्ञान भन्ने विषय नै थिएन थिएन वा वन्यजन्तु वा वनस्पति कुनै पनि विज्ञानका विधा थिएनन्। प्रकृति एउटा दर्शन थियो, विज्ञान थिएन। रसायन र भौतिक विज्ञानका अनेकन आविष्कारचाहिँ भइरहेका थिए। हमबोल्टले दर्शनको रूपमा रहेको प्रकृतिमा विज्ञानको मसला थपिदिए। जसै उनी चुचुरोमा पुगे, उनले वास्तवमै पृथ्वी निकै फरक देखे। परपरसम्म हेरेपछि उनी एउटा निष्कर्षमा पुगे— ‘यो पृथ्वीमा जलवायु, जीव, वनस्पति, जमिन, समुद्र सबै एकअर्कामा जोडिएका छन्। पृथ्वीको सगोलमा एउटा प्रकृति छ र सबै कुरा एकअर्कामा निर्भर,’ ‘इन्भेन्सन अफ नेचर’ नामक किताबमा लेखिका आन्द्रिया उल्फले लेखेकी छन्।

मानिस नहुँदो हो त यो पृथ्वी कस्तो हुँदो हो? वरिपरि आँखा घुमाउँछु। ऊ नहुँदो हो त मेरो वरिपरि देखिएको पिच गरेको सडक हुँदैनथ्यो, घर हुँदैनथे, फलामको बार हुँदैनथ्यो, इँटाको थुप्रो हुँदैनथ्यो, कपडा हुँदैनथ्यो, घडी हुँदैनथ्यो, जुत्ता हुँदैनथ्यो, औँलामा लगाएको औँठी हुँदैनथ्यो, गोजीको मोबाइल हुँदैनथ्यो, वरिपरि घुमिरहेका गाडी, मोटरसाइकल, साइकल हुँदैनथे, अगाडिको पार्क हुँदैनथ्यो, अलि पर रोपिएको खेत हुँदैनथ्यो, परको डाँडामा ठडिएको गुम्बा हुँदैनथ्यो, आकाशमा उडिरहेको जहाज हुँदैनथ्यो, त्यो बिजुलीको पोल हुँदैनथ्यो, छेउमा यत्रतत्र छरिएको प्लास्टिक हुँदैनथ्यो! मानिसले चमत्कार त गऱ्यो, तर उस्का लागि मात्रै ।

पृथ्वीको खास रङ नीलो हो, तर आज यो हल्का रातो भइसकेको छ। वैज्ञानिकहरू तातोलाई रातो रङले चिनाउँछन्। सन् १८५०–१९०० को दाँजोमा पृथ्वीको तापक्रम औसतमा १.१ डिग्रीले बढिसकेको छ। यही गतिमा अगाडि बढ्ने हो भने अबको २० वर्षमा १.५ डिग्री र शताब्दीको अन्त्यसम्म ३ डिग्रीले बढ्नेछ। सन् २०२४ विश्वकै सबैभन्दा तातो वर्षका रूपमा पुष्टि भइसकेको छ। यो रातो कथा जम्मा तीन सय वर्षमा बुनिएको हो। कोइला र पेट्रोलियमको बढ्दो प्रयोगले मानिसलाई आराम त दियो, तर पृथ्वीको ज्वरो निकालिदियो। बीसौँ शताब्दीको मध्यमा ५ अर्ब टन रहेको वार्षिक कार्बन उत्सर्जन अहिले ३५ अर्ब प्रति बर्ष कटिसक्यो। भारत, चीन र अमेरिकाले मात्रै कुल उत्सर्जनको आधा हिस्सा ओगट्छन्। पृथ्वी तातेपछि अब पानी झमझम मात्रै पर्दैन, झरना जसरी ‘छङछङ’ झर्छ। काठमाडौंमा १२१.५ मिलिमिटर पानी झर्दा नदी किनारका बस्ती सखाप हुनु यसकै नतिजा हो। हामीले नदी मारिरहेका छौँ, माटो मारिरहेका छौँ। अरू प्रजातिहरू मारिरहेका छौँ तर हामी मात्रै बढिरहेका छौँ र हाम्रै लागि मात्र पृथ्वीका स्रोत दोहन गरिरहेका छौँ।

नदीहरू यो पृथ्वीका रक्तनली हुन्। तर पृथ्वीका ६० प्रतिशत नदीमा हामीले बाँध बाँधिसक्यौँ। हामीले नदीलाई केवल बिजुली निकाल्ने मेसिन सम्झियौँ। जलविद्युत् आयोजनामा बनाइएका ९५ प्रतिशत ‘फिस ल्याडर’ ले काम गर्दैनन्। हाम्रो पैतालामुनिको संसार पनि ध्वस्त हुँदैछ। मानिसले वार्षिक ३५ लाख टन विषादी माटोलाई पिलाउँछ, जसले गर्दा ६० प्रतिशत माटो विषाक्त भइसकेको छ। जङ्गली जीवजन्तुको सङ्ख्या ७० प्रतिशतले घटिसक्यो। आज स्तनधारी जीवहरूको तौल जोख्ने हो भने ३६ प्रतिशत मान्छे, ६० प्रतिशत घरपालुवा जनावर र केवल ४ प्रतिशत जङ्गली जनावर बाँकी छन्। चराहरूमा ७१ प्रतिशत त केवल हामीले खाने कुखुराहरू मात्र छन्।

विश्वबाट अव देशकाे कुरा,

तीन वर्षअघि म मकवानपुरको चुच्चेखोला सामुदायिक वन समूहले संरक्षण गरेको ‘समुदाय संरक्षित विश्वकै पहिलो सालक पार्क’ हेर्न गएको थिएँ। राति मात्र बाहिर निस्कने सालकलाई देखाउन भनेर त्यहाँ स्थानीयले सालकका विभिन्न मूर्तिहरू बनाएका रहेछन् र पिकनिक स्थल पनि निर्माण गरेका रहेछन्। यस्तो लाग्थ्यो, त्यो सालकको ‘मुर्दापार्क’ हो। जताततै सिमेन्टका संरचना, सेल्फी खिच्ने ठाउँदेखि पिकनिक स्पटसम्म। हिँड्ने बेला एक स्थानीय हर्ताकर्ताले भने, ‘हामीले सङ्घीय पर्यटन मन्त्रालयबाट पन्ध्र लाख रुपैयाँ अनुदान पाउँदै छौँ। त्यो रकमले यहाँ ठूलो गेट बनाउने योजना छ। त्यो गेटका दुई पिलरमध्ये एउटा पुरुष र अर्को महिला हुन्छन्। दुवैका हातले नेपालको ठूलो नक्सा बोकेका हुन्छन्। त्यो समावेशी गेट हुनेछ।’ उनको समावेशी कल्पनाशीलताको पराकाष्ठा देखेर म चकित परेँ। सालक जोगाउने पार्कमा बीस लाखको गेट, महिला र पुरुष आकृतिका पिलर बनाएर समावेशी! यस्तो सोच कसरी वा किन आयो? त्यसको जड के हो?

यस्तै, केही वर्षअघि म कपिलवस्तुमा रहेको जगदीशपुर ताल पुगेको थिएँ। त्यहीँ वडा अध्यक्षसँग भेट भयो। केहीबेरको कुराकानीपछि चिया पिउने सल्लाह भयो। चियाको चुस्कीसँगै उनले भने, ‘यो तालको बीचमा हामी बुद्धको ठूलो मूर्ति बनाउँदै छौँ र केही डुङ्गा किनेर तालमा पर्यटनको प्रवर्द्धन गर्ने योजनामा छौँ।’ जगदीशपुर ताल चराहरूका लागि प्रख्यात छ। बीसौँ हजार चराको रोजाइको ताल हो, जगदीशपुर। यहाँ बर्सेनि साइबेरियादेखि चराहरू आइपुग्छन्। मैले उनलाई भनेँ, ‘यहाँ त हजारौँ चरा आउँछन्, किन मूर्ति बनाउने र डुङ्गा चलाउने? बरु तपाईंहरूले यहाँ आसपास चरा हेर्ने घर (Bird Watching Tower) बनाउनुस्, दूरबिन किन्नुस्, चराको सङ्ग्रहालय बनाउनुस्। देशभरिका विद्यालयबाट विद्यार्थी र पर्यटक ल्याउनुस्। पैसा पनि आउँछ, मान्छे पनि आउँछन् र चरा पनि रहन्छन्। सबैलाई फाइदा हुन्छ।’ तर उनले त्यसो गर्न नसक्ने छोटो जवाफ दिए। खासमा मूर्ति बनाउन सजिलो छ। सय बोरा सिमेन्टको साटो दुई सय बोरा हाल्न पाइन्छ। पाँच लाख खर्च गरेर दस लाख देखाउन पाइन्छ। त्यो पनि केही महिनामै तयार हुन्छ र व्यक्तिगत आम्दानी भइहाल्छ। त्यति भएपछि किन चराको चासो लिइरहनु? अहिले मुद्दा परेर त्यो योजना रोकिएको छ भन्ने सुनेको छु।

हामी पनि विहानै जिरीकै गुराँसपार्क पुगेर फर्कियाै । त्यहाँ सुन्दर पाेखरी थियाे । छेउछाउमा चिमाल गुराँस । तर त्याे पाेखरीकाे एकाभागमा एउटा सिमेन्टकाे पिलर उिभएकाे थियाे र त्यसमा महादेवकाे मुर्ति । त्याे पाेखरीकाे पिलरमा महादेश खुसी छन् कि दुखी थाहा भएन तर त्याे पानी छेउछाउका रुख नै महादेवका लागि पर्याप्त थियाे तर किन हाे तपाँइहरुले उनलाई पिलरमा बसाउँनुभयाे । त्यसले हामीलाई गिज्याइरहेकाे थियाे ।

आज हाम्रो देशलाई जलवायुभन्दा पनि माथिबाट ‘भ्रष्टवायु’ ले छोपेको छ। विकासको नाममा व्यक्तिगत लाभ खोज्ने र कमिसनका लागि अनावश्यक कङ्क्रिटका संरचना खडा गर्ने प्रवृत्ति बढेको छ। सालक जोगाउने सामुदायिक वनमा सालकको बासस्थान सुधार्नुको सट्टा सिमेन्टका ठूला गेट र मूर्ति बनाउने होडबाजी छ। जगदीशपुर ताल जस्तो चरा आउने ठाउँमा दूरबिन होइन, तालको बीचमा सिमेन्टका मूर्ति बनाउने योजना बुनिन्छ। ठाउँठाउँमा मिनी ग्रेटवाल बनाउने सपना छ। हामी जथाभाबी दोहनको बाटो रोज्ने कि प्रकृतिसँग सन्तुलन मिलाएर टिकाउ विकास गर्ने? हिमालको हिउँ रहेमात्र हाम्रो अस्तित्व रहनेछ, नदीको बहाव रहेमात्र हाम्रो सभ्यता बाँच्नेछ। हामीले आज जे गर्छौँ, त्यसैले हाम्रो भविष्यको पुस्ताको भाग्य निर्धारण गर्नेछ। विज्ञानले जतिसुकै चमत्कार गरे पनि प्रकृति दाहिना भएन भने हाम्रो अस्तित्व सङ्कटमा पर्नेछ। त्यसैले, यो पृथ्वीलाई नीलै रहन दिऊँ, यसलाई चिसै रहन दिऊँ। किनकि पृथ्वी नीलै राखेको ठीक, चिसै राखेको ठीक!

मैले लेखेकाे किताब छालबाटाे : कैलाशदेखि गंगासम्म किताबबारे सुन्नेवित्तिकै धेरैले मलाई छालबाटाे भनेकाे के हाे भनेर साेध्नुहुन्छ त्यसैले मैले याे छाेटाे परिचय लेखेकाे छु।

छालबाटाे तीनदेशमा गरिएकाे दुई हजार किलोमिटरकाे यात्रा हाे जुन ४५ दिनमा गरिएकाे थियाे ।काठमाडौंदेखि कैलाश मानसरोवर हुँदै तिब्बतस्थित कर्नाली नदीको उद्गमदेखि भारतको गङ्गासम्मको यात्रा । त्यो पनि हिँडेर-गुडेर-बगेर गरिएको । हो, त्यही यात्राको अनुभूति हो, छालबाटो । कर्नाली नदीकिनारका स्थानियहरुले नदीकाे किनारै किनार हिड्ने बाटाेलाई छालबाटाे भन्दा रहेछन् त्यसैले मैले किताबकाे नाम छालबाटाे राखेकाे हुँ।

यो पारम्परिक यात्रावृत्तान्तभन्दा पनि यात्रा गरिएका ठाउँको समाजशास्त्रीय अवलोकन हो, जहाँ जलवायुदेखि जङ्गलसम्म, बाँधदेखि बाघसम्म, दलाई लामादेखि दबिएका समुदायसम्मका सन्दर्भ अटाएका छन् । र अटाएका छन्, एकातिर दुःखको पहाड बोकेर बसेका मानिस, अर्कोतिर विकासको भोक; नदी जोगाएर अन्य तरिकाले जीवनस्तर उकासौं भन्ने एउटा विचार अनि दुःख हटाउने औषधि नै जलविद्युत् हो भन्ने अर्को विश्वास र बीचमा रनभुल्लमा परेका स्थानीय; झुटको खेतीमा मस्त नेता; रसुवागढीको रेल सपना; कैलाश पर्वतको सेरोफेरो; तिब्बतमा रमाइरहेका मिङ्मार; हिल्सामा होमिएकी पेमा; भारीले थिचिएका धनवीर; छालबाटो कुदिरहेका काङ्ग्री; डुङ्गामा रम्ने मेघ; बर्दियामा बढेका बाघ; घाघराले उठीबास गराएका समुदायको पीडा र बनारस हुँदै बग्ने दुर्गन्धित गङ्गा । बिरलै गरिने यात्रालाई विषयगत विविधताको धागोले फरक शैलीमा उनिएको यो पुस्तक हो छालबाटाे।

याे पुस्तकले पद्मश्री साहित्य पुरस्कार २०८१ र साहित्यपाेष्ट साहित्य पुरस्कार २०८१ प्राप्त गरेकाे थियाे ।

तपाँइले छालबाटाे किताब पसलहरुमा वा अनलाइनमा पनि किन्न सक्नुहुन्छ । नेपालमा किन्नका लागि यहाँ र अमेजनमा पनि किन्न सक्नुहुन्छ।

केहि प्रतिकृया भए मेराे इमेल: rameshbhushalj@gmail.com मा पठाउनुहाेला। म समय मिलाएर उत्तर फर्काउनेछु ।

Image : Samita Ghimire, who lives alongside a highway expansion project in western Nepal, covers her face to protect against dust pollution. Steps to reduce air pollution recommended in the project’s environmental impact have seemingly not been carried out. (Image: Ramesh Bhushal)

Ramesh Bhushal

November 15, 2022

In March 2018, an environmental impact assessment (EIA) for a proposed airport in Nijgadh, in southern Nepal’s Bara district, was submitted to the Ministry of Forests and Environment. By May, the environment ministry had approved the report – from a private firm hired by the Civil Aviation Authority of Nepal – opening the door for the authority to move ahead with the USD 3.5 billion project. This despite the fact that constructing the airport would mean clearing 2.4 million trees in of one of Nepal’s last remaining subtropical forests.

The report was approved “in haste”, an official at the environment ministry, speaking on condition of anonymity, told The Third Pole. “There was not much time to review a huge technical document of such a big project in a short period of time,” the official said, citing pressure from the Ministry of Culture, Tourism and Civil Aviation.

The report contained errors. Chapter eight of the report, which is not yet publicly available but has been seen by The Third Pole, refers to electricity generated from the project: the sentence was mistakenly copied and pasted from another report for a hydropower project. The report did not, as EIAs are supposed to, present comparative analyses of different potential sites – it simply stated the forest area as the best choice.

Image: Vehicles on the Pokhara-Mugling Highway in western Nepal. Widening of the road has resulted in dust pollution for residents living along the road. (Image: Ramesh Bhushal / The Third Pole)

Recommended IndianmmendedIndian developers replace Chinese on some of Nepal’s largest hydro projects

Media reports of flaws in the EIA stirred protests over the government’s decision to approve it, with the case eventually ending up in Nepal’s supreme court. After three years, in May 2022, the court directed the government to halt the project in Nijgadh and restart the EIA process from scratch.

The Nijagh airport saga serves as an example of Nepal’s troubles with EIAs. While environmental assessments are being conducted for projects across the country, converting this process into meaningful reduction of environmental harm is proving challenging.

EIAs in Nepal

Ever since the 1960s, when they were introduced in the United States, environmental impact assessments (EIAs) have become a well-recognised tool to mitigate the environmental impacts of large infrastructure projects across the globe.

Nepal started to use EIAs in 1997, after enacting the Environment Protection Act. The law obliged any company or government body planning an infrastructure project to conduct environmental assessments. Large projects require a full environmental impact assessment (EIA), whereas smaller ones require an initial environmental examination (IEE). Nepalese law allows for developers to be prosecuted if they do not follow mitigation measures laid out in the approved EIA or IEE.

What’s the difference between an EIA and an IEE?

“So far, EIAs in Nepal have been of a low standard, and have failed to serve their purpose in mitigating environmental problems and protecting communities,” Madhu Ghimire, head of the EIA section at the Ministry of Forests and Environment (MoFE), tells The Third Pole. The MoFE is responsible for reviewing and approving EIAs.

“[EIAs] have been taken by developers as just a procedural step before implementing any project, rather than a tool to mitigate environmental impacts and safeguard investments,” she says. Asked why flawed reports, such as the EIA for the Nijgadh airport, are still approved, she said developers refuse to do more work on reports once they’re submitted. “If we ask developers to review and rework [a flawed EIA], then political lobbying starts and we are portrayed as those delaying the approval.”

According to Ghimire, the ministry has approved 550 EIAs in the past 25 years, but it does not have aggregated data on the number of IEEs approved by all ministries. “There should be several hundred of them [IEEs, from the past 25 years]. Though it’s within our mandate to collect and analyse them, we are understaffed,” she says.

The MoFE’s EIA section has just five members of staff to evaluate all projects across the country, explains Ghimire.

Good intentions, but questionable rules

Some argue that EIAs have been effective in certain cases in Nepal. Batu Krishna Uprety, former head of the EIA section at the Ministry of Environment, cites the Babai irrigation project in western Nepal’s Bardiya district as an example. In 2003, the government’s Department of Irrigation had requested permission to clear 1,150 hectares of forest to construct an irrigation canal. The Ministry of Forests directed the department to conduct an EIA, which resulted in the project only receiving approval to cut down 22 hectares.

Madhav Giri, managing director of Prakriti Consult, a private firm that conducts EIAs, says that while the intentions behind EIAs are good, implementation and monitoring has been extremely weak. This, he says, is because rules around mitigating environmental impact were introduced without adequate consideration of what is scientific and practical. For example, current EIA rules mandate that for every tree felled for a project within a national forest or protected area, 10 others must be planted. Until recently, the rule was 25.

“There was no scientific basis for the 1:25 [rule] that was in place earlier, and it has been reduced to 1:10 now without any scientific basis. If you ask why not 1:5 or 1:2 – there is no answer. It would have been more practical to have fewer trees as compensatory plantation, but better monitoring and implementation,” Giri says.

“We used those numbers to discourage rampant tree-cutting, but it was not based on any scientific study,” says Uprety, who was head of the government’s EIA division when the process was introduced. “A study may recommend expensive measures that could discourage a [project] proponent to implement it. Providing analysis of possible alternatives can help developers to choose the option with the least impact and support sustainable development.”

Negligible implementation, ineffective monitoring

The Mugling-Pokhara highway links Nepal’s capital Kathmandu with Pokhara in the west, a popular tourist destination. A road expansion project is working to widen an 81km stretch of the highway to four lanes, enabling greater traffic flow.

Samita Ghimire lives near where the highway is being expanded in Tanahun district. “This road expansion has become a curse for me, as there is so much dust around,” said Ghimire, who had wrapped an old T-shirt around her face. “I had bronchitis, but it has worsened in the last year. I think I will die before this road expansion is completed.”

The 2019 IEE prepared by the Asian Development Bank, which provided a loan of USD 195 million to the Nepalese government for the project, had concluded that air pollution was one of its possible environmental impacts, including dust from earth works and emissions from construction equipment and vehicles.

Vehicles on the Pokhara-Mugling Highway in western Nepal. Widening of the road has resulted in dust pollution for residents living along the road. (Image: Ramesh Bhushal / The Third Pole)

The report proposed mitigation measures. “Water sprinkling, water fogging, broom sweeping shall be carried out in dust prone locations,” the report reads. “Air quality shall be monitored during the construction stage and if monitored parameters are above the prescribed limit, suitable control measures shall be applied.”

But the reality on the ground seems quite different. When The Third Pole visited the site in August 2022, plumes of dust thrown up by vehicles trundling down highway could be seen covering settlements nearby.

“The contractor does nothing to mitigate air pollution. Nobody listens to our plea,” said Rohit Kumar Shrestha, a resident of the nearby town of Khairenitar. “Doctors have advised me to avoid dust, but how do I do it? You can see how dusty it is out here,” Shrestha added, gesturing at the hazy air.

On 18 October, locals from Gachepani, another town close to the highway, took direct steps to demand action. “We talked to the local administration office multiple times, but our voice was not heard,” Shankar Nepali, a resident of Gachepani, told The Third Pole. “We decided to lock all the staff in the Gachepani office of the constructor to pressure them to solve the air pollution problem due to road expansion. They have agreed in writing to sprinkle regularly and mitigate the problem,” said Nepali.

Narendra Subedi, head of the eastern section of the Mugling-Pokhara Highway expansion project at the Department of Roads, told The Third Pole: “We have been sprinkling as much as possible, but I agree that it’s not satisfactory as you can see dust on the roadside. However, it is also partly because we can’t control vehicular flow on the busy highway and it quickly becomes dry due to the sun.” Regarding installation of air pollution measuring stations, as required by the IEE, Subedi added: “I am not aware of any kind of measuring instruments installed in the project site.”

The USD 64 million contract for the project was given to Anhui Kaiyuan Highway and Bridge Co. Ltd., a Chinese company. The Third Pole reached out to the project lead at the company and a representative of the Asian Development Bank for comment, and was awaiting a response at the time of publication.

The MoFE’s Environment Department is the designated authority to monitor projects like the highway expansion, but this is lacking in practice. “We don’t have the human resources to carry out monitoring of hundreds of projects across the country, as it’s costly, but we have been doing whatever we can and on selected projects,” said Namaraj Ghimire (no relation to Madhu or Samita), director-general of the department. Ghimire said the department has only one staff member assigned to monitor implementation of measures recommended in EIAs and IEEs.

EIAs in hydropower

According to Madhu Ghimire at the MoFE, more than one-third of all EIAs approved over the last 25 years were in the hydropower sector. The Nepal Government’s Guidelines for Study of Hydropower Projects state that all hydropower projects in the country must release 10% of water downstream throughout the year. But experts say that implementation of this rule is negligible.

Batu Krishna Uprety co-authored a 2019 report on the environmental impacts of hydropower projects on the Modi Khola, a tributary of the Kali Gandaki River in western Nepal. The Modi Khola is just 50km long and has a small watershed of 675 square kilometres, yet two hydropower plants are in operation on the river, and six others are under construction.

“We found no water being released by hydropower. It’s the same across the country and it’s a very worrisome situation,” Uprety told The Third Pole. The report quotes an engineer involved in construction of a hydropower project on the Modi Khola as saying he never saw an EIA report, nor was informed about measures to follow to reduce environmental impacts.

“We are aware that projects have not released water as stated in environmental assessments, but we can’t force them to do so, as we need electricity to meet growing demand, especially in winter when the flow is low,” said Kul Man Ghising, managing director of the Nepal Electricity Authority.

Frustrated hydropower developers have been lobbying the government to either ease or remove Frustrated hydropower developers have been lobbying the government to ease or remove requirements to around EIAs, as they blame them for delays in project implementation. In a letter sent to the MoFE in August 2022, seen by The Third Pole, the Independent Power Producers’ Association of Nepal mentioned EIAs as a key hurdle to developing hydropower in the country. “We would like to request you to expedite the process and facilitate approval of EIA and IEE,” the letter said.

“We are open to discussion and willing to make changes if needed,” said Ghimire at the MoFE, in response to criticism that the process is unwieldy.

But experts like Giri see fundamental problems in Nepal’s approach to environmental assessment. “EIAs have been seen by proponents as a document needed for official process; government agencies have seen this as a tool to delay process instead of facilitating or strengthening monitoring. And for consulting firms like us, it’s a business to make our living,” said Giri.

“Doing EIAs as usual is just a waste of time and money,” he said.

Published in Dialogue Earth on August 3, 2022

Climbing Mount Everest – at 8,849 metres, the world’s highest mountain – is on many people’s bucket list. Even just reaching Everest Base Camp in northeastern Nepal, at 5,364 metres, is something few people achieve. Except for Kami Rita Sherpa that is, for whom climbing Everest has been a routine for over two decades, sometimes twice or even three times a year.

Born in Thame, a Sherpa village in the Everest region of Nepal, he started working as a porter for trekking companies when he was just 12. Now 52, Kami Rita climbed Mount Everest for the first time in 1994 when he was just 24. This year, Kami Rita reached the summit for the 26^th time, a new world record.

Kami Rita Sherpa in July 2022 (Image: Ramesh Bhushal)

On a sunny day in July, he spoke to The Third Pole in a café in Kathmandu. With monsoon clouds advancing from the Bay of Bengal towards the Nepalese capital, he had a bit of leisure time between the spring (pre-monsoon) and autumn (post-monsoon) climbing seasons.

The Nepalese government reportedly wants to move Everest Base Camp to a lower elevation, because of risks associated with climate change – including melting of the glacier the camp is located on – and an increasing number of climbers. But as Kami Rita explains, the plan is not supported by all.

What is your opinion about the government’s plan to move Everest Base Camp?

There is no valid reason to move it. Do you think climate change has impacted just Base Camp? What about the other camps [on the Everest route]? Where will you shift them? If you say climate change has impacted Base Camp, then don’t you think the other camps have also become riskier due to rapid melting of the ice?

Moving Base Camp will create chaos. The camps were established on the basis of the availability of a suitable place, identified through experience and practicality. If you move Base Camp lower, say to [the village of] Gorak Shep [at around 5,150m], then it will just be a stopover before the current base camp, as it’s nearly impossible to hike from the moved Base Camp to Camp I [at 6,150m]. And you can’t stay anywhere in between, as there isn’t any suitable spot except the current base camp. It will be just an added camp, not an alternative.

Base Camp and camps 1 to 4 on the Nepal route up Mount Everest • Graphic by The Third Pole • Imagery: Landsat/Copernicus via Google Earth

But the government says it’s becoming more dangerous, and that the decision would create a safer environment for climbers and climbing expeditions’ support staff.

I don’t really think Base Camp has become unsafe or less safe. I think it’s the safest point to camp for preparation before heading up and there isn’t a place nearby that’s more suitable. If you move down a little, it’s even more dangerous. Currently, Base Camp is on the edge of the Khumbu Glacier, and moving it down a bit will take you near the foot of Pumori mountain. That’s the place where an avalanche occurred during the 2015 earthquake and killed scores of climbers and Sherpas.

If you move it further down to Gorak Shep [where a flat area is available], which is over three kilometres south, then how would you provide water? There is no water source nearby and you must walk for an hour or so to get some water from the ice. Currently, Base Camp has meltwater [from glaciers], and even when there is no meltwater, we can crumble ice and melt it to drink. It would be nearly impossible to carry out expeditions at lower levels far from glaciers unless there is a continuous supply of water. It’s about feeding over 1,500 people for over two months [including climbers, porters and support staff], and we need a large amount of water every day.

The Everest climbing route, Camp I to IV, is on the Khumbu Glacier. Studies have shown that the glacier has been shrinking due to rapid melting resulting from global warming. How has this affected climbing?

Rapid melting exposes more rock on mountains and it’s harder to climb rock than ice-covered terrain. It also increases the chances of rockfalls that could cause serious injury or even death. I have noticed more exposed rock, and the length of rock [that has to be climbed] has increased in the past two decades. Between Camp III and Camp IV, there used to be about 50m of rock when I started to climb Everest, but now it’s over 70m.

Likewise, there is a spot called Geneva Spur [an anvil-shaped rib of rock] at 7,300m and more rock has now been exposed there, too. Between Camp IV and The Balcony [a small platform where climbers rest before the summit], there is a triangular face that used to [feature] about 100m of rock to climb, but now it’s about 130m. It’s quite rocky near the Hillary Step [a short rock face near the summit] and that has also increased in length.

What changes have you seen on Everest since you started climbing?

A lot. I can say that the amount of ice on Everest is less than when I climbed for the first time in 1994. Ice is melting at a faster rate and it’s moving [higher] up, but the bigger problem is that the timing of rainfall and snowfall has become irregular. In 1994 and the following expeditions for some years, it wasn’t normal to drink meltwater in Base Camp at the beginning of climbing in late April. We used to crack ice and then melt it to drink. But now you can get melted water not only in Base Camp, but often in Camp II. This year in April, we got water in Camp II. Now I feel like Camp II is the new base camp.

If shifting Base Camp is not a good idea, what do you think the government should do to ensure that climbing Everest in Nepal is safe and appealing?

I think if a decision is made [to move Base Camp], it will shift more climbers to China. It’s already expensive and challenging to climb Everest from the Nepal side. The Tibet side in China has a lot of facilities and it’s easier to climb from the northern side rather than the southern one. China has electricity and roads up to the base camp. You can go up to 6,500m on yaks. Why would someone come to the Nepal side if you prolong their stay without reason [by creating a longer route]?

Just doing things to make a news headline won’t solve the problem

Instead of moving Base Camp, the government could spend money on providing electricity at the camp, so that we can reduce the use of gas to cook food. [The use of gas canisters by climbing expeditions has been suggested as a factor in the warming of the area.] One expedition uses three gas canisters per day, and there are about 50 expeditions a year. One expedition takes around two-and-a-half months from Kathmandu and back, and most of the stay will be in Base Camp. You can reduce the use of gas if you provide electricity.

Secondly, the government can spend money on providing folding toilets to all expeditions so that we don’t have to carry them every time, and they can charge for the usage. They could invest in providing more reliable weather information and focus on clean-up campaigns [of rubbish left by climbers] along the trail up to the summit.

Just doing things to make a news headline won’t solve any problem. There are many more things that could be done to create a safer climbing environment and save the mountains, but an easy [fix], like moving Base Camp down, is just a waste of time.

What is your message to the world, which has responded very slowly to reduce carbon dioxide emissions, causing snow and ice in the mountains to melt faster?

The mountains are not just ours. It’s not just Sherpas who would be impacted, or Nepal that would lose revenue from tourism [if the snow and ice melts]. It’s the source of water for billions of people. It’s the heritage of the world. If it’s gone, we are done. I think the only way to keep our mountains white is to reduce emissions from factories, planes and vehicles.

I remember the Dalai Lama saying that one day we will die because there won’t be water to drink. I feel like that will happen some day soon. I would urge the global community to think about it seriously and act immediately. I can’t do much as a climber, except inform people about the situation out there.

I just want to say that the ice on the mountains is vanishing. That’s my information based on experience and it’s up to you to make a decision.

कान्तिपुर दैनिकमा भाद्र १, २०८१ मा प्रकाशित

रमेश भुसाल

असारको अन्तिम साता सिमसिम पानी परिरहेको छ, आकाश भनिरहेछ– थप जोडले पर्नेछु । इँट्टाले थिचेको, सिमेन्टले लिपेको काठमान्डु उपत्यकाको पश्चिममा रामकोटको उकालो चढ्दै छ गाडी । घर घट्दै गए, माटोले रूप देखाउँदै गयो । कतै झारले त कतै रूखले । कतै घरले त कतै बाटोले माटो लुकाउँछन् । सहरमा माटो देख्नै मुस्किल छ । कतै देखिइहाले पनि त्यो माटो हुँदैन, हिलो भइदिन्छ ।

भीमढुंगाबाट केही पर पिचसडक सकियो । सिमसिमे पानीले माटो गिल्यायो । पाङ्ग्रा गाडिए । गाडी नाच्यो । शरीर मर्कियो । मन थर्कियो । यस्तोबेला पाङ्ग्राको भन्दा खुट्टाको भर बढी लाग्नुपर्ने, तर हिलोको छिःछिःमा हुर्केको शरीर पाङ्ग्रामाथि नै अडियो र भन्यो– गए ज्यान गाडीसँगै जाला ! आधुनिक ज्यान न पर्‍यो ।

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नदी उर्लिएका छन्, झरना पोखिएका छन् । पहाड पानी पिएर टम्म भरिएका छन् । आकाश पग्लिरहेको छ । पानीका थोपा जमिनतिर बगिरहेका छन् । माटोको भारी बोकेको त्रिशूली नदी सडक भेट्न आतुर भएजसरी उकालिएको छ । माटोले रंग देखाइरहेको बेला म भने माटोबारे सोचिरहेको छु । केही समयदेखि म माटो पढिरहेको छु । माटोमा टेकेर, माटो नै खाएर, माटो नै पिएर बाँच्ने मान्छेले विरलै माटोबारे सोच्छ । म गलत पनि हुन सक्छु, किनकि तपाईं भन्नुहोला– किसानले सोच्छ त ! तर, अहिले किसानभन्दा धेरै कम्पनी भइसके । कम्पनीले उत्पादनबारे सोच्छ, माटोबारे होइन । माटो अहिले किसानको होइन, कम्पनीको भएको छ । बीसौं शताब्दीमा अकासिएको पुँजीवादी व्यवस्थाले जमिनलाई मान्छेको नाममा राख्ने व्यवस्था थप बलियो बनायो । स–साना किसानले उत्पादन गर्ने खाद्यान्न अब ठूला किसान र कम्पनीहरूले उत्पादन गर्न थाले ।

सन् १९६० मा एक अमेरिकी किसानले सरदरमा २५ मानिसलाई खाना खुवाउँथ्यो, तर अहिले एकजनाले १२९ जनालाई खुवाउँछ अर्थात् थोरै किसानले धेरै उत्पादन गरेर धेरै मानिसलाई खुवाउन थाले । तर, त्यहाँ संख्या मात्रै थपिएन, नाफा पनि थपियो । नाफामा हिसाब उत्पादनको हुन्छ, माटोको गुणस्तरको हुँदैन ।

मानिसले पानी पिउँछ, खाना खान्छ, हावामा सास फेर्छ तर माटो पिउँदैन, खाँदैन । खासमा उसले त माटोलाई कुल्चिन्छ, खोस्रिन्छ । तर, जुन धरातलमा ऊ उभिएको छ त्यसबारे ऊ विरलै किन सोच्ने गर्छ ? ऊ मरेपछि जहाँ जान्छ ? त्यसबारे पनि ऊ खासै सोच्ने गर्दैन । ऊ त स्वर्ग वा नर्कबारे गम्नमै व्यस्त हुन्छ । ऊ भान्सामा तरकारी देख्छ, तर देख्नपर्ने माटो हो । चियाको रंग देख्छ, तर सोच्नुपर्ने माटोबारे हो । हावाबारे गम खान्छ, पानीबारे सोचिबस्छ, तर माटोलाई बाल दिँदैन । किन ? के माटो विरूप हुन्छ ? वा सोच्नलायक नै हुँदैन ?

खेतबारी, गाउँ–सहर, बाटाघाटा, पुल–पुलेसा जताततै मान्छेले माटोलाई कि थिचेको छ, कि खनेको छ, कि पेलेको छ, कि त घोलेको छ । नभए रसायन छर्केर घायल बनाएको छ । अहिले वार्षिक रूपमा ३५ लाख टन विषादी त मान्छेले माटोलाई पिलाउँछ ।

तर, माटो पछिल्लो पात्र हो पृथ्वीको । पृथ्वीमा पछिल्लो भनेको पनि ४५ करोड वर्षअघि हो । यहाँ करोड होइन, अर्ब वर्ष पुराना पात्र पनि छन् । मान्छेचाहिँ केही लाख वर्षअघि जन्मिएको पात्र हो, तर पछि आएको भए पनि उसले धमाका मच्चाएको छ । पुराना पात्रहरूलाई कज्याएको छ । मान्छेले नयाँ–पुराना सबैको हुर्मत लिएको छ ।

४५ करोड वर्षअघि के भएको थियो र जन्मियो माटो ? साढे चार अर्ब वर्ष पुरानो पृथ्वीले आफूमा माटोको लेपन लगाउन चार अर्ब वर्ष किन पर्खनुपर्‍यो ?

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एकतमासले बगेको यमानको माटाम्य त्रिशूली र माथि माटोको लेपन लगाएको अक्करे भीरबीच बनेको अलकत्रे धर्से बाटोमा खसेको पहिरोका कारण चरौंदीभन्दा केही पर गाडी रोकियो । माटे–पानी बगिरहेको हेर्दै म भने केही दिन अघि पढेको माटोबारेको अनुसन्धानबारे सोचिरहेको छु । सन् २०१२ मा ‘नेचर जीओ साइन्स’ मा एउटा अनुसन्धान छापिएको थियो, जसमा भनिएको छ– खासमा पृथ्वीमा माटो ४५ करोड वर्षअघि मात्रै बन्न सुरु भएको हो, जब वनस्पतिहरूको उदय भयो । हामीलाई लाग्छ, माटो नदीहरूले नाङ्गा चट्टानहरूलाई खुइल्याउँदै जाँदा, बगाउँदै गर्दा बनेको हो । तर, खासमा माटो रूखबिरुवाहरूले बनाएका हुन् । करिब ४५ करोड वर्षअघि जब स–साना बिरुवाहरूले जमिन कब्जा गर्न थाले, त्यसपछि माटो बन्न सुरु भयो । जब रूखबिरुवाको साम्राज्य बढ्दै गयो, तिनले हावामा रहेको कार्बनडाइअक्साइड ग्यास द्रुत गतिमा खपत गर्न थाले । कार्बनडाइअक्साइडको मात्रा घटेपछि पृथ्वीको तापक्रम ओरालो लाग्न थाल्यो । हिउँले ढाकिएको पृथ्वीमा हिउँ पग्लने गति बढ्यो । चट्टानहरू खुइलिन, टुक्रिन थाले र त्यसैलाई मिसाएर रूखबिरुवाले माटो बनाए र पानीलाई नियन्त्रण गर्न थाले । जता पनि बगिरहेको पानीले निश्चित बाटो बनाएर बग्न थाल्यो र नदी–खोला बने । चट्टानका टुक्रा र मरेका वनस्पतिहरूको अवशेषले थप माटो बन्दै गयो । पृथ्वी मलिलो बन्दै गयो । थप जीवनहरू फल्दैफुल्दै गए । पृथ्वीको स्वरूप नै फेरियो । आफू जन्मेको धेरै वर्षपछि मात्रै बल्ल पृथ्वीको छाला बन्यो अर्थात्– माटो ।

माटो आफ्नै गतिमा बनिरहेको थियो । बोटबिरुवा, जनावर, किराकिरी आउने–जाने भई नै रहेको थियो । तर, माटो धीमा गतिमा बन्छ, त्यसैले माटोलाई आफ्नो काम गर्न समय चाहिन्छ । अमेरिकी माटो–वैज्ञानिक डेभिड मोन्टगोमेरीको भाषामा भन्ने हो भने खासमा भूगर्भ र वनस्पति, जीवजन्तुको बिहेपछि जे जन्मन्छ, त्यो माटो हो । ढुंगा टुक्रिएर, बोटबिरुवा र अन्य जन्तु मरेर कुहिएपछि मलिलो माटो बन्छ । प्राकृतिक रूपमा माटो एक इन्च चाक्लो हुन सयौं वा हजारौं वर्ष पनि लाग्छ ।

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एकातिर उर्लंदो नदी, अर्कातिर खस्न खोजेको पहाडबाट फुत्किएपछि भेटेको भात– मुग्लिङमा । कुनै बेला पृथ्वी राजमार्गमा भातको अर्को नाम थियो– मुग्लिङ, तर अहिले समय फेरियो । मुग्लिङले फेरिन जानेन । थालमा तरकारी, दाल, भात, अचार, साग, खुर्सानी, लसुन, प्याज, अनेकथरी छन् । तर, माटोबारे पढ्न थालेदेखि मेरा आँखा फेरिएका छन् । म थालमा भात, अचार, साग वा तरकारी देखिरहेको छैन, माटो देखिरहेको छु । विषादी भनौं कि वा युरिया ! अथवा नाइट्रोजन, फसफोरस, क्याल्सियम ! तर, मान्छे माटोभित्र पसेर माटो केलाउन जान्ने भएको धेरै भएकै छैन ।

माटो बुझ्न निकै कठिन थियो, अझै पनि सजिलो छैन । पश्चिमा विश्वमा पाँचौंदेखि चौधौं शताब्दीसम्म विज्ञानले खासै चमत्कार गर्न सकेन, किनभने धर्म निकै हावी हुँदै गयो । विज्ञानको विकासमा खासै जोड भएन । त्योभन्दा अगाडि भएका वैज्ञानिक कामहरूले पनि खासै निरन्तरता पाउन सकेनन् किनभने धर्मले विज्ञानलाई तगारो लगाइदियो । तर, १५ देखि १८ औं शताब्दीमा वैज्ञानिक क्रान्ति भयो । वैज्ञानिक जगत्को पुनर्जागरण भयो ।

१६ औं शताब्दीको मध्यतिर वैज्ञानिक वर्नार्ड पालिसीले बिरुवाले माटोबाट सबै तत्त्व नुनको रूपमा लिन्छ भन्ने दाबा गरे, जसलाई नुन सिद्धान्त भनियो । तर, त्यसले खासै स्थान पाएन । १६ औं र १७ औं शताब्दीमा वैज्ञानिहरू भान हेलमन्ट र रोर्बट बोयलले भने रूखबिरुवाले सबै कुरा पानीमार्फत पाउँछन् र माटो केवल माध्यम मात्रै हो भन्ने सिद्धान्त निकाले, जुन लगभग सय वर्ष स्थापित रह्यो । १८ औं शताब्दीको सुरुतिर भने वैज्ञानिक अलव्रेख्त थाएरले ह्युमस सिद्धान्त निकाले र रूखबिरुवाले कार्बन नामक तत्त्व हावाबाट होइन, माटोबाट लिन्छ भन्ने दाबा गरे । विज्ञान लामो समय तर्कहरूमा सीमित थियो किनभने कुनै तर्कलाई प्रमाणित गर्न चाहिने तथ्य निकाल्न सक्ने उपकरण बनेकै थिएनन् । विज्ञान कुनै विधा नबनेको पुरानो समयमा कलाकार, दार्शनिक सबै तर्क गर्थे । माटोको विचित्रताले चकित परेका लियोनार्दो दा भिन्सीले समेत माटोको अध्ययन गरेका थिए । उनले सन् १५०४ देखि १५०६ सम्म गमलामा बिरुवा हुर्काएर माटो अध्ययन गरे । दुई वर्षपछि भने, ‘हामीलाई माटोभन्दा बढी त आकाशका तारा र ग्रहबारे जानकारी छ ।’ माटोबारे अनभिज्ञ थियो मानिस । केही रोप्थ्यो, फले खान्थ्यो, नफले थातथलो छाडेर अन्तै लाग्थ्यो । माटोले अन्न उत्पादन गर्थ्यो र त्यसैका भरमा शासकहरूले राज्यहरू चलाउँथे । राज्यको मेरुदण्ड थियो– माटो ।

माटो लामो समय भूगर्भ विज्ञानको अंग मात्रै बनेर बस्यो । १८ औं शताब्दीको सुरुवाततिर युरोपमा देशहरूको नक्सा निकाल्न सुरु गरियो, जहाँ कुन बाली र कुन प्रजातिको जंगल छ भन्ने संकेतहरूसमेत राख्न थालियो । त्यसैका आधारमा राज्यहरूले कर निर्धारण गर्थे । त्यसमा निकै अगाडि थियो– जर्मनी । त्यहाँ कर व्यवस्था लगाउने काममा लागेका जर्मन नागरिक फेडरिक फालोले माटोविज्ञानलाई पेडोलोजी नामकरण गरिदिए । पेसाले वकिल थिए फालो, तर उनको माटोमा गहिरो चासो थियो । माटोको गुणको आधारमा कर लगाउने काम भए पनि माटो ढुंगा, चट्टान फुटेर वा खिइएर मात्रै बन्ने वस्तु हो भन्ने बुझाइ व्याप्त थियो । तर, १९ औं शताब्दीको मध्यतिर माटो ढुंगा, चट्टान फुटेर वा खिइएर मात्रै बन्ने वस्तु मात्रै होइन, यसको आफ्नै जीवन छ, आफ्नै विशेषता छ र बन्ने प्रक्रिया छ भनेर केही वैज्ञानिकले तर्क गर्न थाले, जसमा रुसी भूगर्भशास्त्री भासिली दोकुचेभको अग्रणी स्थान छ ।

सन् १८४६ मा रुसमा जन्मेका भासिली दोकुचेभ एक भूर्गभशास्त्री थिए । दोकुचेभले लामा अध्ययनहरू गरे र भने, ‘माटो भनेको जलवायु, पितृवस्तु अर्थात् ढुंगा–चट्टान, भिरालोपना, समय–वनस्पति र जीवजन्तुको अवशेषको मिश्रण हो । माटोको आफ्नै बन्ने प्रक्रिया हुन्छ । यसको आफ्नै जीवन छ, आफ्नै विशेषता ।’ पछि उनको अध्ययन स्थापित भयो ।

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पेटमा हुलें– माटो वा खाना । जे भए पनि पेट भरेर, अक्करे भीर काटेर चितवनको समथर सौराहा पुग्दा गर्मी हप्प थियो । आकाश केहीबेर आराम गरिरहेको थियो वा बादल व्यवस्थापनमा व्यस्त थियो । ‘इल्सभियर’ मा प्रकाशित ‘माटोको सुरुवाती ज्ञान, जन्म र माटोविज्ञानको विकास’ शीर्षकको एउटा अनुसन्धानपत्र भने म सौराहामा राप्तीकिनारमा बसेर पढिरहेको छु । राप्ती पनि आफ्नो रंगमा छैन, उसको रंग पनि माटोकै भएको छ । खासमा नदीहरूलाई बगाउन माटोको ठूलो हात छ । माटोले पानीलाई अड्काउन सक्ने भए, रूखपात हुर्काउन सक्ने भए र त पानीले नदी–रूपी आफ्नो बाटो बनाउन पाए । कोही वर्षैभरि बग्न पाए, कोही बर्खामा बेगिने र हिउँदमा रित्तिने भए । नदीहरूले हरेक वर्ष नेपालबाट मात्रै २४ करोड घनमिटर मलिलो माटो बगाएर बंगालको खाडीसम्म पुर्‍याउँछन् भनेर एक अध्ययनले भन्छ । यसरी सयौं वर्ष लगाएर बनेको माटो बगेको छ, तर यहाँ माटोको कसलाई मतलब ? जाबो माटाको पनि के कुरा गर्नू ? सधैं नयाँ सरकार बनाउने हतारो हुने देशमा माटो, पानी, हावाबारे को सोचिबस्छ ?

राप्तीमा माटो बगिरहेछ, काठमान्डुमा सरकार ढलिरहेछ । राजमार्गमा पहिरो खसिरहेछ, काठमान्डुमा नयाँ सरकार बनिरहेछ । साँझ राप्तीमा माटो बगाउँदै गरेको दृश्य हेरेर सुतेका ज्यान बिहान दुईवटा बस सिमलतालको पहिरोले बगाएको समाचार सुन्दै उठ्यो, ६५ बेपत्ता । ती त्रिशूलीमा हराएका मानिस फेरि नयाँ सरकारका नाइकेहरूले देश र जनताका नाममा गर्ने चर्को भाषण गरेको सुन्नबाट बञ्चित भए ।

तर, माटोले सरकार मात्रै होइन सभ्यताहरूलाई समेत धरापमा पारिदिएको छ भन्ने हेक्का नेताहरूलाई हुँदैन किनभने नेताहरूले अर्को सरकारसम्म मात्रै सोच्न सक्छन् वा चुनावसम्म । तानाशाही, राजशाहीले भने छोरा–नातिसम्म सोच्न सक्छन् कि ? माटोले नै धेरै सभ्यताहरू बसायो र माटोकै कारण धेरै सभ्यताहरू हराए पनि । करिब १२ हजार वर्षअघिसम्म जंगल डुलिहिँड्ने मानिस अहिलेको इराक आसपासको मेसोपोटामियामा आएपछि रोकियो । अरू धेरै ठाउँहरूमा विभिन्न सभ्यताहरू बनिरहेका थिए । तर, मसोपोटामियामा प्रशस्त मात्रामा जंगली जौ र गहुँ देखेपछि टिग्रिस र युफ्रेट्स नदीबीचको भागको त्यो क्षेत्रमा मान्छेले खेतीपाती गरेर बस्ती बसाउन थाल्यो । त्यहाँ निकै मात्रामा पानी थियो, तर अहिले त्यो भेग धेरै सुख्खा छ ।

खेतीपातीको युग सबैतिर फैलियो । युरोप, अरब, दक्षिण अमेरिका, अफ्रिका सबैतिर । जसले माटोलाई बुझे ती सभ्यता धेरै टिके, जसले माटोलाई बेवास्ता गरे ती धेरै टिकेनन् । अधिक दोहन गर्नेहरूले थातथलो छाड्नुपर्‍यो । माटोलाई माया गर्नेहरूले माटोको पनि माया पाए । सबैभन्दा पुरानो भनिने मेसोपोटामिया सभ्यताको सुरुवातीमा सुमेरियन र बेबीलोनियनहरूले खेतीपाती राम्रो गरेका थिए, सिँचाइका लागि कुलो बनाएका थिए । तर, सुमेरियनहरूका पालामा पानीमा नुनको मात्रा बढी भएपछि उत्पादन हुन छाड्यो । त्यही बेला सुमेरियनहरूलाई बेबीलोनियनहरूले कब्जामा पारे र आफ्नो शासन सुरु गरे । पछि बेबीलोनियनहरू पनि सिद्धिए, जब छेउछाउका डाँडाहरूबाट व्यापक माटो बगेर नहरहरू भरिए । उनीहरूले पहाडका रूख मासेका थिए, जसले भूक्षय व्यापक भयो । उता इजिप्टमा नाइल नदीको उर्बरापनाले इजिप्टेलीहरूले धुमधाम उत्पादन गरिरहेका थिए । नाइल नदीमा बाढी आउँथ्यो, मलिलो माटो खेतमा भरिन्थ्यो र उत्पादन हुन्थ्यो । लामो समय नाइल नदीले उनीहरूलाई धान्यो । बाढीको पानीले माटोमा नुन थिग्रिन दिँदैनथ्यो र माटोलाई उर्बर बनाउँथ्यो । कतै माटोले उकास्यो त कतै खसाल्यो ।

माटाले आफ्नो काम गरिरहेको थियो । मान्छेले आफ्नो । सबै ठीकठाकै थियो । तर, जब मान्छे माटोभित्र पसेर त्यसलाई केलाउन सक्ने भयो, त्यसपछि उसले माटोलाई निर्देशन दिन थाल्यो । हैकम चलाउन थाल्यो । माटोले पृथ्वी अर्कै बनायो । मान्छेले माटो नै अर्कै बनाइदियो ।

इन्जिन बनेपछि त मान्छेले हातखुट्टाले काम गर्न छाड्दै गयो । इन्जिनले माटो उल्ट्यायो पल्टायो, गुल्ट्यायो । सकेसम्म धेरै बाली लगायो । एकातिर मेसिनले पेल्यो, अर्कोतिर रसायन ठेल्यो । त्यसपछि माटोले लय बिर्सियो । ऊ मान्छेको अधीनमा पर्‍यो । रसायन बालीमा, तरकारीमा पुर्‍याउने माध्यम बन्यो– माटो । माटो आफूले निर्णय गर्न छाड्यो । बाली कस्तो लगाउने ? कहिले लगाउने ? मात्रै होइन कति पोटासियम बिरुवामा पुर्‍याउने ? कति नाइट्रोजन हुल्ने ? कति फस्फोरस सोस्ने ? यो माटोले निर्णय गर्न पाउन छाड्यो । मान्छे क्याल्कुलेटर लिएर बस्यो, जर्किन भर्‍यो, युरिया छर्‍यो । खाना सहज हुँदै गयो, मान्छे पनि मौलाउँदै गयो ।

मान्छेले भकारी भर्‍यो, तर पैतालामुनिको विविधता र विचित्रको संसारलाई ध्वस्त बनायो । हाम्रो खुट्टामुनि यस्तो विचित्रको पारिस्थितिक प्रणाली छ, जसले हाम्रो कल्पनाशीलतालाई समेत चुनौती दिन सक्छ । एक मुठी स्वस्थ माटोमा त्यति सूक्ष्म जीव हुन्छन्, जति यो पृथ्वीभरिमा मान्छे छन् अर्थात् आठ अर्ब । तर, मान्छेले पैतालामुनिका अर्बौं जीव क्षणभरमै सखाप पारिदिन्छ, रसायन जो बनाउन सक्ने भएको छ मानिस । उसले पिचकारी बोकेर हिँडेको छ, माटो कब्जा गरेको छ । अहिले पृथ्वीभरिको माटोमध्ये ६० प्रतिशत त कुनै न कुनै रूपमा विषाक्त छ, बिग्रिएको छ ।

मान्छेले पृथ्वीको आधा बस्नयोग्य भूभाग आफ्नो खाना उत्पादनका लागि कब्जा गरिसक्यो, तर आज ८० करोड मानिस भोक नमेटी बस्न बाध्य छन् । किनकि यहाँ माटोमा अन्न होइन अर्थ फल्छ । अन्न पहिले पैसा बन्छ र मात्रै खाना । जोसँग पैसा छैन उसले अन्न हेर्न पाउँछ, खान पाउँदैन । त्यसैले त आज विश्वको ९० प्रतिशत अन्नको व्यापारमा चार कम्पनीको कब्जा छ । त्यस्तो विविधतायुक्त पृथ्वी बनाएको माटो अहिले लाचार छ । अहिले पृथ्वीमा चार बालीको वर्चस्व छ– गहुँ, धान, मकै र जौ । कुनैबेला विरलै भेटिने यी चार बालीले मात्रै पृथ्वीको आधा अर्ब बढी हेक्टर जमिन ओगट्छन् । चार बाली, चार कम्पनी ।

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सौराहाको धमिलो बगेको राप्ती नदीकिनारमा दुइटा हुट्टिट्याउँ उभिइरहेका छन्, सायद चारो खोज्दै छन् । धेरैबेर ती यताउता गर्दै बसे । छेउको रूखमा तीनवटा सारौं बसिरहेछन् भने भुँइमा केही कोटेरो मुनियाँ छन् । भर्खरै उड्न सिक्दै गरेको बचेरो सारौंलाई उड्न सिकाउँदै छन् उसका बाआमा सायद । केहीबेरमा एउटा गोही हुट्टिट्याउँकै छेउबाट पौडिँदै छ । आकाश बादलरूपी पानीले ढपक्कै छोपेको छ । कुनै पनि बेला खस्न सक्छ । खसेपछि त्यो बादल कतै माटोमा पस्छ, कतै जंगलमा फस्छ त केही हुर्रिएर खोला–नदी भेट्न आउँछ । नदीकिनारको होटलमा मान्छेले भने सफा, नीलो पौडी पोखरी बनाएको छ । धमिलो नदीछेउ नीलो पौडी पोखरी, त्यसैको छेउमा कफी र बार । पारि चितवन राष्ट्रिय निकुञ्जका बाघलाई भने त्यो क्याफेबारमा निषेध छ ।

विनाशको गति बढो तेज भयो, कृषिका कारण । अघिल्लो शताब्दीको ८० प्रतिशत वनफँडानी खेतीपातीका लागि भयो अर्थात् मान्छेका लागि । पृथ्वीमा पाइने चरा प्रजाति सबै जोख्ने हो भने अहिले उडिरहेका चराको भाग जम्मा २९ प्रतिशत हुन आउँछ बाँकी सबै मासुजन्य कुखुरा हुन् । सबै स्तनधारी जोख्ने हो भने जम्मा ४ प्रतिशत तौल स्तनधारी जंगली जनावरको हुन आउँछ । ३६ प्रतिशत मान्छेको र बाँकी ६० प्रतिशत घरपालुवा र मासुजन्य जनावरको छ । अर्थात् यो पृथ्वीमा कि त मान्छे छ, कि त मान्छेले खाने मासुप्रजाति छन् । जंगली प्रजाति त हराउँदै गए । माटोभित्रको विविधताको त लेखाजोखा पनि राम्रोसँग भएको छैन । कुल्चिहिँडने माटाको के लेखाजोखा !

बेलायती लेखक जर्ज मन्बइटले आफ्नो पछिल्लो किताब ‘रिजेनेसिस्’ लेखेका छन् । खासमा भन्ने हो भने अहिलेको सबैभन्दा ठूलो वातावरणीय समस्या माटोमा छ । यसरी माटोलाई पेलेर अगाडि बढ्न सम्भव छैन र त्यो निकै घातक हुनेछ । तर, केही बाठा मान्छेहरूले केही नयाँ कुरा सोचिरहेका छन् । उनीहरू हावामा खाना उत्पादन गरिरहेका छन् ।

‘मन्बोइट’ यो प्रविधिले माटोलाई राहत दिन्छ भन्नेमा विश्वस्त देखिन्छन् । यदि खेतमा नभएर हामीले सूक्ष्म जीवका ब्रुअरीहरू संसारैभरि खोल्न सके त्यहाँ सूक्ष्म जीवले खाना बनाउनेछन्, किसानले होइन । माटोमा होइन हावामा खाना फलाउने, घामको सहारामा । जमिनलाई राहत दिने, माटोलाई रम्न दिने प्रकृतिमै । उसले बनाएको विविधतायुक्त पृथ्वी उसैलाई फिर्ता गर्न मान्छेले सक्ला वा तयार होला ? झिनो आशा त राख्न पाइयो, तर मान्छे त्यति उदार प्राणी भने होइन ।

हावाबाट खाना फलाउने काम चाहिँ सुरु भइसकेको छ । फिनल्यान्डको हेलसिन्कीमा सोलार फुड नाम गरेको कम्पनी छ, जहाँ सूक्ष्म जीवले हावामा रहेको कार्बनडाइअक्साइड, हाइड्रोजन र अक्सिजन खान्छन् र झन्डै ७० प्रतिशत प्रोटिनयुक्त पिठो बनाउँछन् । ती सूक्ष्म जीवहरू किसानले एक किलो अन्न उत्पादन गर्दा लाग्ने पानीको जम्मा एक प्रतिशत पानी प्रयोग गर्छन् भने अहिले खपत भइरहेको जमिनको जम्मा पाँच प्रतिशत जमिन प्रयोग गरेर उत्ति नै मात्रामा खाना उत्पादन गर्न सक्छन् । त्यो ‘सोलेइन’ नाम गरेको पिठोको बजार परीक्षण गर्न सिंगापुरले अनुमति नै दिइसक्यो ।

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सिमलतालको पहिरे बाटो फर्कने आँट नभएपछि चितवनबाट गाडी हेटौंडा मोड्यौं र फेरि उकालियौं । भैंसे, भीमफेदी, सिस्नेरी, छैमले हुँदै फेरि भैंसेपाटी, पहिरा छिचोलेर । पुरानो भैंसीको पाटीमा आलिसान बंगला बनिरहेका छन्, जहाँ फेरिइरहने मन्त्री बस्न थालेका छन् । म मन्त्रीमहल आसपासको माटोमा बसिरहेछु, थचक्क । हामीले मन्त्रीबाट मुक्ति नपाए पनि के प्रविधिले माटोलाई मुक्ति देला ? फिनल्यान्डको सोलर फुड्सको कथाले मलाई हल्लाइरहेको छ । सधैं पिएर मात्रै हल्लिनुपर्छ भन्ने छैन । समाचार, विचारले पनि त हल्लाउँछन् । के मान्छेले अँचेटेको, पिरोलेको माटोले आफ्नै लयमा काम गर्न पाउला ? के त्यहाँ फेरि करोडौं सूक्ष्म जीवदेखि जनावर, रूखबिरुवा फर्कन पाउलान् ? माटो फेरि आफ्ना पुराना किरायादारहरू फर्केकामा खुसी हुन पाउला ?

म उठेर मन्त्रीमहलबाट उत्तर लागें । माटोबारे पढ्न थालेदेखि हरेक पाइलामा म कसै न कसैको लासमाथि टेकेर हिँडिरहेको छु भन्ने भान हुन थालेको छ । भविष्यमा तपार्इंको शरीरमाथि टेकेर कैयौं मानिस हिँड्नेछन्, तर तिनीलाई पत्तै हुनेछैन । तिनले तपाईंलाई खानेछन्, तर तिनले महसुस गर्ने छैनन् । किनकि माटोले तपाईंलाई आफूमै मिसाउनेछ, स्वाद फरक हुनेछ ।

आजसम्म कुनै पनि मानिस वा जनावर वा जीवजन्तुले यो पृथ्वी छाडेका छैनन् । उनीहरूले स्वरूप मात्रै फेरेका हुन् । ती कहिले धान बन्छन् त कहिले साल । कहिले कोदो बन्छन् त कहिले जौ । कहिले बाघ बन्छन् त कहिले बालक । यो पृथ्वीमा सबै कुरा घुमिबस्छ । सबै जीवजन्तु पनि घुमिबस्छन्, फरक–फरक स्वरूपमा । तर, ती सबैको रूप फरिदिने माटोले मात्रै हो । त्यो जननी हो र बिसर्जक पनि । माटो रहस्यको पोको हो । हरेकलाई आफूमा समाहित गर्न सक्ने, घोल्न सक्ने, मोल्न सक्ने, पुर्न सक्ने, उमार्न सक्ने, उफार्न सक्ने, थेचार्न सक्ने ।

कमजोर माटो, दूषित माटोले अन्ततः मानिसलाई नै सिध्याउँछ । माटो सधैं बेखुसी रहन सक्दैन र मान्छे माटोलाई भेन्टिलेटरमा राखेर सधैं उँभो लाग्न पनि सक्दैन ।

यसैले पैतालामुनि पनि बेलाबेला हेरौं, कुल्चेको छु भनेर माटोलाई नहेपौं । जिउँदो हुँदा उभिने आधार हो माटो, मरेपछि अरूलाई उभ्याउन सक्ने धरातल । माटो सबै जाने बाटो हो र फर्कने पनि । त्यो हो, जीवन–मरणको राजमार्ग ।

Ramesh Bhushal

On a fine morning in April 2022, Mount Everest can be seen clearly from the Sagarmatha (Everest) National Park office in Namche, northeastern Nepal, the snow from its peak evaporating to form a thin layer of cloud. Bishnu Rokaya, the park’s assistant conservation officer, has little time for the beauty on display as he flips through the pages of their latest annual report. He points to a passage stating that, “from mid-2020 to mid-2021, over three hundred livestock [animals] were killed by wild animals in the park and its buffer zone areas, for which we have paid the communities a sum of over 9 million rupees [USD 85,000 USD] as compensation for their losses.”

Himalayan wolves – one of the Nepal’s least-studied wild animals – are playing an outsized role in the problem.

According to the report, of the 323 livestock animals killed, 234 – over 70% – were killed by Himalayan wolves, known locally as bwasho. And this number has been rising year on year, says Rokaya. “We don’t know the exact reason for this increased number of casualties, but it has become a very serious issue for us and the communities in recent years,” he says.

The Himalayan wolf, also called the Tibetan wolf, has a population of several thousand in adjoining Tibet, but the number living in Nepal is unknown. “Much of conservation focus has been on snow leopards in the high mountains due to which wolves have received negligible attention, but both are the top predators in the region,” says Naresh Kusi, country program director at the Himalayan Wolves Project, who has been researching wolves for the past few years.

Factbox: The Himalayan wolf may be a separate species

The scientific status of the Himalayan wolf is unclear, though research has shown it is genetically distinct from other Eurasian wolves.

“Studies on wolves from Asia are fewer [than on other wolves] and the taxonomy of various Asian wolf populations is not clearly established,” stated a recent scientific review on Asian wolves led by Geraldine Werhahn, director at the Himalayan Wolves Project. The review concluded that the Himalayan wolf, as well as the Indian wolf, are distinct enough to be considered separate at the subspecies or species level.

“Our research suggests that Himalayan wolves are genetically different and adapted themselves to low oxygen levels at high altitude and are eligible to be a subspecies,” says Naresh Kusi of the Himalayan Wolves Project, adding that its status is now under review by the International Union for Conservation of Nature. In the meantime, Nepalese law still lists its wolf population it as the grey wolf, as a nationally endangered species.

Did Himalayan wolves follow yaks into Nepal?

While the current presence of Himalayan wolves in Nepal’s mountains is beyond doubt, how long a resident population has been present is contentious.

“Wolves were here for ages but they hadn’t colonised [the areas in Nepal] permanently as their big population is in Tibet just across the border, where abundant prey species are present compared to Nepal’s mountains. Those temporary populations were often killed by herders as retaliatory killing which wouldn’t have [come] to the notice of park authorities as the population was small,” says Kusi.

Image: Yaks and porters en route to Tibet, on an expedition to bring yaks from Tibet to the Syangboche Yak Breeding Centre in Nepal in 2014 (Image: Lalan Yadav, Syangboche Yak Breeding Centre)

Locals also say that while wolves have long been present in the area, until recently there had been no serious conflict except occasional retaliatory killings by herders. “We had wolves in the Everest region when I was a kid,” says Lhakpa Norbu Sherpa, who served as the first chief conservation officer of the national park in 1983. “There were wolves even before the park was established in 1976 but complaints of livestock killing increased sharply after 2015.”

Many locals believe the apparent rise in wolf numbers is linked to an import of yaks from Tibet in 2014. That year, 30 yaks were brought over from Tibet via Nangpa La pass – northwest of Everest – to the Syangboche Yak Breeding Centre, to cross-breed and improve the genetic quality of the local yak population. A team of 25 took 16 days to reach the location in Tibet where the Chinese government had delivered the yaks, hiking through thick snow; the return journey with the animals took another seven days. “I just can’t believe how we survived that journey,” says Lalan Yadav, livestock technician at the yak breeding centre.

Yaks and porters en route to Tibet, on an expedition to bring yaks from Tibet to the Syangboche Yak Breeding Centre in Nepal in 2014 (Image: Lalan Yadav, Syangboche Yak Breeding Centre)

A couple of years after the Tibetan yaks’ arrival, locals started to complain about wolves attacking yaks and other livestock. “Locals have said that a [pack] of Tibetan wolves followed those yaks and then started to live here permanently. I, too, believe it is possibly true,” says Lalan.

Pema Tshering Sherpa is a resident of Khumjung village, a little uphill from the Syangboche breeding centre. He believes that the yaks brought in Himalayan wolves to the region. “Livestock killing has dramatically increased after 2015. That coincides with yaks’ arrival from Tibet, so it must be the reason,” says Sherpa.

Researchers don’t deny the possibility of wolf packs following the yaks from Tibet but, Kusi says, “It needs to be validated with scientific evidence which we don’t have, at least for now.”

Human-wolf conflict increasing, but information sparse

In 2013, Nepal introduced its first guidelines to compensate communities for any loss or injury of livestock caused by eight types of wild animal: elephants, rhinos, bears, tigers, leopards, snow leopards, wild boar, and wild buffalo.

In 2015 the government decided to add Himalayan wolves, clouded leopards and wild dogs to the list. “We had started to receive complaints from locals that wolves have been killing their yaks and horses in the region but had no way to compensate,” says Ganesh Pant, an ecologist at the Department of National Parks and Wildlife Conservation, who was chief conservation officer of the national park in 2015. “So we recommended an addition of wolf to the list that allowed us to pay NPR 30,000 [USD 240] for any loss of livestock,” he says.

The problem continued to worsen, but with little official documentation of the number of livestock killed; there is no information available on compensation paid for livestock losses from wolves before mid-2018. Nonetheless, once compensation for livestock losses became official policy, the park started to take a more proactive approach to understanding the situation.

In 2017, a meeting between park authorities and local herders from the Ngampa valley to the west of Mount Everest was held at the park’s office in Namche. Former chief conservation officer Lhakpa Norbu Sherpa attended, and told The Third Pole how a local herder vented his frustration. “[He said] if you don’t want to kill the wolves, you might [as well] kill us. As a former warden of the park and now an elder from the Nangpa Valley, I felt hemmed in between a rock and a hard place,” Sherpa recalls.

As more cases of conflict were reported in the region, Lhakpa Sherpa and his team conducted a survey of predators in the Nangpa valley over four months in summer 2019. He was able to take pictures of Himalayan wolves in the wild, a rare achievement, along with solid photographic evidence of a leopard, a snow leopard, red foxes, and brown bear paw prints.

Image: A rare photograph of a Himalayan wolf in Sagarmatha (Everest) National Park, Nepal (Image © Lhakpa Norbu Sherpa)

Without research, solutions to conflict are lacking

A 2019 study from central Nepal found that Himalayan wolves selected wild prey over livestock during the summer period despite the seasonally overwhelming abundance of yaks and goats in the study areas. However, Kusi suggests the situation could be different around Everest, in eastern Nepal. “It looks like they have adapted now locally in the Everest region and have increased in numbers too. Possibly due to insufficient wild prey in the region, they might have started to kill livestock more frequently,” he says.

One other reason for the high number of livestock being killed in the Everest region could be surplus killing, when wolves kill almost all animals in a shed or in a group, beyond what they could eat. “We don’t know exactly why they do this but if we invest more on research and understand their behaviour, we can avoid them and can reduce conflict if herders are well informed with reliable information about wolves,” Kusi adds.

But officials at the park say they don’t have the resources to carry out such research. “We have very limited budget so we have a plan to seek support from donors and research organisations to understand more about Himalayan wolves that could help us better plan to mitigate conflict,” said Bhumi Raj Upadhyay, chief conservation officer of the park.

रमेश भुसाल

याे लेख कान्तिपुर दैनिकमा २२ मंसिर २०२२ मा प्रकाशित भएकाे थियाे ।

अघिल्लो साँझ ठमेलको एक होटलमा हाम्रा गाइडले सचेत गराए, ‘रसुवागढीमा सबैको मोबाइल र क्यामरा चेक हुन्छ, चिनियाँ अधिकारीहरूले सबै फोटो हेर्छन्, हटाउनु । कुनै किताब नबोक्नु, फाल्दिन सक्छन् । केरकार गर्छन् ।’

हजारौं फोटो सारेर सुत्दा बिहानको २ बजेको थियो । थाकेको ज्यान लिएर म बिहानै भैंसेपाटीबाट कलंकी हानिएँ । जीपीएस पनि नबोकेको राम्रो भनेका थिए गाइडले । जे पर्ला–पर्ला भनेर क्यामराकै खोलभित्र हालें । मलाई पूरै यात्राको नक्सा बनाउन मन थियो । जसका लागि देशान्तर र अक्षांश, यात्राको दूरी, जमिनको उचाइ चाहिन्थ्यो जुन जीपीएसले रेकर्ड गथ्र्यो । देखे फाल्देला, नदेखे गजब भइहाल्यो ।

असोज पहिलो साता । दसैं नजिकिँदै थियो । मानिसहरू घर फर्कने योजना बुन्दै थिए । फेसबुकको म्यासेन्जरमा केही साथी र आफन्तका सन्देश आइसकेका थिए, ‘ह्याप्पी दसैं, घर आउँदै छु, मिलाएर भेटम्ला है ।’ मैले उत्तर दिएको छैन । उनीहरू आउने बेला म कर्णाली नदीको किनारमा हुनेछु । नदी चिन्ने, प्रकृति र संस्कृति बुझ्ने यात्रामा ।

कैलाशदेखि गंगासम्मको ४५ दिने यात्रामा तीन देश पुगिन्छ— चीनको स्वशासित क्षेत्र तिब्बत, नेपालको उत्तरदेखि दक्षिण र भारतका सीमावर्ती प्रान्तहरू उत्तरप्रदेश र विहार । काठमाडौंबाट गाडीमा रसुवा हुँदै तिब्बतको केरुंग, सागा सहरबाट कैलाश पर्वत र मानसरोवर । कैलाशभन्दा दक्षिणपश्चिमबाट नेपालका हुम्ला, बाजुरा, कालिकोट, दैलेख, अछाम, सुर्खेत, डोटी कैलाली हुँदै भारतको उत्तरप्रदेशस्थित बहराइच, अयोध्या । अनि उत्तरप्रदेश र विहारको सीमाको छप्रा जिल्लामा गंगा र कर्णाली नदीको दोभानमा यात्रा टुंग्याउने हाम्रो योजना थियो, झन्डै ११ सय किलोमिटरको कर्णाली नदीलाई शिरदेखि पुछारसम्म पछ्याएर ।

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भैंसेपाटीबाट कलंकी जाँदा छेउछाउका धुलाम्मे घरहरू हेर्दै मनमनै भनें– अबको केही छिनमा फोक्सोलाई म चकित पार्छु । तर, मेरो यो योजना भोलिपल्ट चीन नपुगेसम्म सफल भएन । धूलो रोकिएन । बस चढेर जाने विदेश भारत मात्रै जस्तो लाग्थ्यो । चीन पनि थपियो । पासपोर्ट बोकेर बसमा पहिलो पटक विदेश ।

दर्जनौं पटक तिब्बती पठार चहारेका हुम्ली पेमा लामा गाइड समूहका नाइके थिए । ३५ वर्षदेखि संसारभरिका नदीका छाललाई पछ्याउँदै आएका मेघ आले हाम्रो टोली नेता । हामी उनलाई नदीमान्छे भन्छौं । उनी नदीका ताल पढ्छन् । र पछ्याउँदै बग्छन् । धेरैजसो छालमाथि उनको विजय हुन्छ । कहिलेकाहीं छालले जित्छ र डुंगा पल्टाइदिन्छ । ‘नदीमा हारजित भइरहन्छ भाइ । जिन्दगी बित्यो छालसँग खेलेर । मर्ने बेलासम्म खेल्न पाइएला कि नपाइएला । यो यात्रा जीवन्त हुनेछ,’ उनले आफ्नो हात मतिर ल्याए । हामीले हाई फाइभ गर्‍यौं । उनले ९० को दशकमा पहिलोपटक कर्णाली नदीमा डुंगामा बगेको सम्झे । त्यसपछि उनी सयौं पटक यो नदीमा बगेका छ्न् । उद्गमस्थलसम्म जान लागेको चाहिँ पहिलो पटक ।

पिछडिएको पश्चिमी तिब्बत । पिछडिएकै कर्णाली क्षेत्र । र, यस्तै उत्तरप्रदेश र विहार । भौतिक रूपमा पिछडिए पनि प्राकृतिक रूपमा अति सुन्दर । कैलाशमा भगवान् शिव बसे । अयोध्यामा रामले जन्मिए, लुम्बिनीमा गौतम बुद्ध । यी सबैलाई जोड्ने कर्णाली नदी । त्यसैलाई पछ्याउँदै हिँडेर, गुडेर, बगेर, डेढ महिना बिताउने हाम्रो योजना । टोलीमा नेपाल नदी संरक्षण संस्थाका अध्यक्ष पनि रहेका उनै मेघ आले, फोटोग्राफर नवीन बराल, पानी तथा नदी विज्ञ सन्तोष नेपाल, चरिचरणक्षेत्र व्यवस्थापनविज्ञ विनय पासखल, मानवशास्त्री अस्टिन लर्ड र म । तिब्बतबाट नेपालको हुम्ला झरेपछि ग्रामीण पर्यटनविज्ञ प्राध्यापक प्रेम शर्मा, जलचर विज्ञ दीपनारायण शाह र भूगर्भशास्त्री क्यारेन बेनेट मिसिए ।

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कतिबेला चिनियाँले बोलाउँछन् र जान पाइन्छ भनेर रसुवागढीभन्दा तीन किलोमिटर वरैबाट दर्जनौं ट्रक केरुंग जाने प्रतीक्षामा थिए । आजलाई नाका बन्द भयो । बाटोमै ट्रक राखेर केही ड्राइभर र सहचालक स्टोभ निकालेर खाना पकाउँछन् । कोही होटलतिर लाग्छन् । कोही गाडीमै रात काट्छन् । चिनियाँले बोलाएपछि तिब्बत छिर्छन् र सामान बोकेर फर्कन्छन् । ‘नेपालका प्रहरीसँग चिनियाँहरूको खासै संवाद हुँदैन । उनीहरूले पठाइदेऊ भनेपछि गाडी छोडिदिने हो, नभए रोक्ने हो,’ एक नेपाली सुरक्षाकर्मीले भने । हाम्रा सुरक्षाकर्मी चिनियाँ सुरक्षाकर्मीका आदेशपालक मात्र हुन् । ठूलो र सानो, गरिब र धनीको भेद प्रस्ट देखिन्थ्यो । अधिकार र भौतिक संरचना दुवैमा । चीनपट्टि अन्तर्राष्ट्रियस्तरका सेवासुविधा भएका कार्यालय छ, नेपालपट्टि सानो टहरो । दुई वर्षअघि त टिनले बारेको छाप्रो थियो ।

केरुंगबाट बग्दै आएको गिरोंग जांग्बो नदी नेपालमा त्रिशूली बन्छ । महादेवले त्रिशूल बझार्दा पानी निक्लेको भनिने गोसाइँकुण्ड क्षेत्र त्रिशूली नदीको उद्गमस्थल मानिन्छ । यसको एउटा शाखा तिब्बती सहर केरुंग अथवा गिरोंग उपत्यका छिचोलेर गहिरो खोंचबाट दक्षिणपूर्व बग्दै रसुवागढी आइपुग्छ ।

रसुवागढीस्थित नेपाल–तिब्बत नाकाको एक छेउमा रसुवा किल्ला छ । १८५५ मा भएको नेपाल भोट युद्धमा तिब्बत आक्रमण गर्न जंगबहादुर राणाले बनाएको किल्ला । कुनै बेला तिब्बतलाई युद्धमा जितेको बहादुरहरूको भूभाग अहिले विचित्रको हीनभावले ग्रसित छ । टीठलाग्दो मुख लगाएका सुरक्षाकर्मी, चिनियाँहरूको हेपाइ सामान्य मान्दै सुस्ताइरहेका सवारीचालकहरू र डरले ग्रसित टुरिस्ट गाइडहरूको मलिन अनुहार ।

हामीले चीनको विशाल भवनलाई पछाडि पारेर फोटो खिच्दै थियौं । पेमा लामा हत्तारिँदै आए, ‘चाँडो जाउँm अहिले फेरि रोक्छ ।’ हामी हतारहतार चीनतिर लाग्यौं । पुल कट्नेबित्तिकै पेमाले लाइन लाग्न भने । सबैको भिसा एउटा कागजमा छ जसमा नाम, पासपोर्ट नम्बर र जाने ठाउँहरूको सूची छ । हरेकको पासपोर्टमा पहेलो स्टिकटमा एउटा नम्बर टाँसिएको थियो । लाइन लाग्ने बेला पेमाले पासपोर्टमा भएको नम्बरअनुसार बस्न भनेपछि थाहा भयो, त्यो स्टिकर किन टाँसिएको रहेछ । भिसा कागजमा जुन रोलक्रम छ त्यसैअनुसार पासपोर्टमा नम्बर टाँसिदिएका रहेछन् काठमाडौंका भिसा अधिकारीले ।

हाम्रो सामान मेसिनचेक गरेर भित्र पठाइयो । सबैको मोबाइलमा भएका फोटा चेक गर्न एक महिला र पुरुष हरियो पोसाकमा थिए । कम्तीमा एक जनालाई ५ मिनेट लगाएर जाँचे । मेरो पालो आयो । सोचेको थिएँ, हिजो खिचेका केही तस्बिर मात्रै मोबाइलमा छ । अरू डिलिट गरिसकें । तर, डिलिट गरेका झन्डै २५ सय फोटा ट्रयास फोल्डरमा रहेछन् । मैले ट्रयासबाट हटाउन बिर्सेछु । रातभरि निद्रा मारेको अर्थ रहेन । फोटो फोल्डरमा कम फोटो देखेपछि उनले ट्रयास फोल्डर खोले । सबै फोटो हेरे । लगत्तै पासपोर्ट कन्ट्रोलमा पुगियो । पासपोर्ट केहीबेर राखेर दिए तर स्ट्याम्प लगाएनन् । तिब्बत छिरेको कि मलाई थाहा छ कि त चीन सरकारलाई । पासपोर्टमा केही प्रमाण छैन । जीपीएस र क्यामरा भएको झोला छेउको एक्स रे मेसिनबाट पास हुँदै थियो । मेरा आँखा उतै थिए । झोला पास भएपछि ढुक्क भयो । छिमेकीकहाँ जाँदा पनि कत्रो डर !

हामीलाई लिन एक नेपाली बोल्ने मानिस पासपोर्ट कन्ट्रोलनेर बसिरहेका थिए । हाम्रा तिब्बती गाइड रहेछन् । उनले टेक्न पाउने अन्तिम पाइला यही पासपोर्ट कन्ट्रोल रहेछ । सानैमा भागेर भारतको धरमशाला गएका उनी पछि तिब्बत फर्के । त्यसपछि विदेश जाने छुट छैन ।

सामान बोक्ने एउटा सानो ट्रक र मान्छे बोक्ने माइक्रोबसजस्तो अर्को गाडी हामीलाई कुरेर बसेका थिए । गाडी चढ्नेबित्तिकै भित्र दुइटा सीसी क्यामरा जडान गरेको देख्यौं । हामीपट्टि फर्काइएको । भित्र हुने कुरा रेकर्ड हुनेरैछ । हामी सजग भयौं । गिरोंग जांग्बोको तिरैतिर हामी चिल्लो बाटोमा ९०–१०० किलोमिटर प्रतिघण्टा गतिमा हुइँकियौं ।

सीमा कट्नेबित्तिकै कति धेरै कुरा फरक, भूगोल उस्तै भए पनि । उनीहरू दाहिने गाडी चलाउँछन्, हामी देव्रे । पुलवारि नेपालमा बिहानको ८ बज्दा पुलपारि सवा १० । बेइजिङकै समय । घाम–जूनले फरक नदेखे पनि राजनीतिक आँखाले फरक देख्छ । हामीले बाँधेको सिमानाले पारि चीन भन्छ वारि नेपाल । कुनै बेला मानिसहरू बिनारोकतोक वारिपारि गर्थे, बिहेबारी चल्थ्यो अहिले भिसा चाहिन्छ । नभए विशेष पास । समय बदलियो । चीन धनी र शक्तिशाली हुँदै गयो हामी झन्झन् कमजोर ।

केरुंग भविष्यलाई धेरै सोचेर बनाइएको नाकाजस्तो देखिन्छ । यस सुन्दर उपत्यकामा एउटा विकसित सहरमा हुनुपर्ने सबैजसो पूर्वाधार बनाइसकिएको छ । योजनाबद्ध तरिकाले चीनले तातोपानी नाका सारेर केरुंग पुर्‍याइसकेको छ । ‘पाँच वर्षअघि र अहिलेको तिब्बतमा धेरै फरक छ,’ पेमाले भने । पुरानो खोज्न धौ–धौ हुन्छ अहिले । पुरानो त केही घर र गुम्बा मात्रै हुन अरू सब नयाँ ।

सेनाले खोलेको स्याफ्रुबेंसी बेत्रावती सडक मात्र राम्रोसँग चालु हुने हो भने ७–८ घण्टामा केरुंगबाट वीरगन्ज पुगिन्छ । तिब्बतबाट नेपाल हुँदै भारत जोड्न यति छोटो र सजिलो बाटो अहिले अर्को छैन । बिहार र उत्तरप्रदेशमा ३० करोडभन्दा बढी मानिस छन् । दसवटा नेपाल बराबरको जनसंख्या । त्यही बजार पुग्न सजिलो भए काफी छ चीनलाई । त्यसैले रेल केरुंग आउँदै छ र काठमाडौं पनि आउने हल्ला छ ।

नेपाली धेरै देखिन्छन् केरुंगमा । खासगरेर रसुवा, सिन्धुपाल्चोक र नुवाकोटका मानिसहरू काम गर्न जाँदा रहेछन् । रेस्टुराँ, डान्सबारमा काम गर्न । कति ज्यालादारी मजदुरी गर्न ।

फेसबुक, ट्वीटर, इन्स्टाग्राम सबै सामाजिक सञ्जाल मोबाइलबाट हटाएर वी च्याट मात्र राखेको थिएँ । गाइडले फेसबुक पनि चेक गर्न सक्छ भनेका थिए त्यसैले । खासमा दलाई लामाका फोटा वा त्योसँग सम्बन्धित अन्य सामग्री कतै देखे केरकार गर्ने रहेछन्, उस्तै परे फर्काइदिने । केरुंग पुगेर घमाइलो दिनमा खुलेका हिमाल, चिल्ला सडकमा गुडिरहेका गाडीको छोटो भिडियो खिचेर मीनाक्षीलाई पठाएँ, ल है तिब्बत पुगियो भन्ने सन्देशसहित । केही सेकेन्डपछि वी च्याट बन्द भयो र सन्देश आयो, ‘योर वी च्याट एकाउन्ट ह्याज विन फाउन्ड सस्पिसियस, इट्स् ब्लक्ड ।’ भरपर्दो म्यासेजिङ एप भनिएको सिग्नल मैले म्यानमारमा डाउनलोड गरेको थिएँ । एक–दुई पटक चलाएको पनि थिएँ । साथी नवीन बरालको वी च्याट ब्लक भइसकेको थिएन । त्यसबाट मीनाक्षीलाइ एड गरेर सिग्नल डाउनलोड गर भन्ने सन्देश पठाएँ । त्यसपछि तिब्बतमा रहँदा त्यसैबाट घरसँग सम्पर्क गरें ।

तिब्बती गाइडको नाम मिंगमार रहेछ । प्रस्ट नेपाली बोल्ने । सबैलाई तिमी भन्ने । एउटै कुरा दोहोर्‍याइरहने । ‘तिमीहरूलाई म पहिल्यै भन्दिन्छु, हैन, देयर इज नो ह्वाई इन चाइना, ओके,’ उनले सुरुमै भनेका थिए । तर, हामी बेला–बेला प्रश्न गथ्र्यौं । उनले केही उत्तर दिन्थे । केहीचाहिं ‘देयर इज नो ह्वाई ओके’ भनेर टार्थे । बेलाबेला हामीलाई तिब्बतबारे सुनाउँथे । चीन आएपछि के भयो भनेर सुनाउँथे । तीब्बतमा विकास भएकामा खुसी थिए । चीनको शासनप्रति भने गुनासो थियो । मैले सीसी क्यामराले काम गरिरहेको छ कि भनेर सोधें । ‘छैन, हामीले तार छुटाइदिएका छौं । यो नभएपछि स्पिडको मतलब हुँदैन जसरी मन लाग्यो उसरी गुडाउन मिल्छ,’ मिंगमारले भने । हामी अलि ढुक्क भयौं । तर, उनले चीनप्रति गरेको टिप्पणी देख्दा मलाई अलिअलि डर लागिरहेको थियो, कतै हामीलाई उस्काएको त हैन भनेर ?

उनले आफ्नो कथा सुनाए । ‘१५ वर्ष भारतको धर्मशालामा बसें । स्कुल त्यही पढें । केही वर्षपछि नेपाल आएँ । दुई–तीन वर्ष पोखरा बसें । पछि परिवारलाई कहिल्यै भेट्न पाउँदिनँजस्तो लाग्यो । अनि तिब्बत फर्कें । थाहा थियो मलाई सजाय हुन्छ तर पनि फर्कें ।’ उनी बेलाबेलामा ‘बुझ्यो हैन’ भन्थे । हामी टाउको हल्लाउँथ्यौं । उनले थपे, ‘मलाई ३ वर्ष जेलमा राख्यो सरकारले । त्यसपछि बिस्तारै गाइडको रूपमा काम गर्न थालें । मेरो कुनै नराम्रो रेकर्ड छैन । मलाई विश्वास गर्छ सरकारले ।’ उनी पियक्कड थिए, नौ दिनसम्म नपिएको कुनै समय थिएन । हामीलाई लेक लाग्ने डर । उनी त ५ हजार मिटरमा पनि स्वाट्टस्वाट्ट ।

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केरुंगबाट झन्डै दुई सय किलोमिटर उत्तरपश्चिममा सागा सहर भेटिन्छ । पश्चिम नेपालको हिमालपारि हुम्ला र मुगुभन्दा उत्तरको तिब्बती क्षेत्रमा अवस्थित छेमायुंगदुंग हिमनदीबाट सुरु हुने ब्रह्मपुत्र नदी (तिब्बतमा यार्लुंग जांग्बो भनिन्छ) सागा सहर हुँदै पूर्वतिर बग्छ । पूर्वमा भुटान पल्तिर अरुणाञ्चल प्रदेशबाट दक्षिणपश्चिम मोडिन्छ र आसाम पार गरेर बंगलादेश पस्छ । पश्चिमबाट बिहार हुँदै आएको गंगा नदी र पूर्वबाट आएको ब्रह्मपुत्र बंगलादेशमा मिसिन्छन् र बंगालको खाडीमा पोखिन्छन् । एसियाकै सबैभन्दा लामा र ठूला १० नदीमध्येको एक हो ब्रह्मपुत्र । यसको लम्बाइ झन्डै तीन हजार किलोमिटर छ । कैलाश पर्वत पुग्नु केही घण्टाअघि ब्रह्मपुत्र नदीको मुहान जाने बाटो देखाउँदै मिंगमारले भने, ‘म मुहानमै पुगेको छु ।’ सडकछेउमा गाडी रोकेर पिसाब फेर्न लाग्दै गर्दा उनले केही ढुंगा जम्मा गरिरहेको थिए ।

‘सबै जना यता आऊ म तिमीहरूलाई बुझाइदिन्छु,’ मिंगमारले बोलाए । बीचमा एउटा ढुंगा राखे । पूर्व, पश्चिम, उत्तर र दक्षिण पारेर अरू चारवटा । ‘बीचको कैलाश पर्वत हो । कैलाशको पूर्वपट्टिको हिमालबाट ब्रह्मपुत्र निस्किन्छ, यसलाई ताम्चोक खम्बाब अथवा घोडाको मुखबाट निस्केको नदी भनिन्छ । यो तिब्बतबाट भारत हुँदै बंगलादेश पुग्छ । पश्चिमपट्टिबाट सतलज नदी निस्किन्छ, यसलाई लांगचेन खम्बाब अथवा हात्तीको मुखबाट निस्केको नदी भनिन्छ यो भारतको पन्जाब पुग्छ । दक्षिणतिरबाट कर्णाली निस्किन्छ यसलाई माप्चा खम्बाब अर्थात् मयूरको मुखबाट निस्केको नदी भनिन्छ । यो नदी नेपालको हुम्लाबाट बगेर कैलाली झर्छ र भारतमा पुगेपछि घाघरा नदी बन्छ । उत्तरतिरबाट इन्डस् निस्किन्छ जसलाई सिंगी खम्बाब अर्थात् सिंहको मुखबाट निस्केको नदी भनिन्छ । त्योचाहिं जम्मु कश्मीर हुँदै पाकिस्तान कटेर अरबियन सागरमा मिसिन्छ,’ उनले बेलिविस्तार लगाए ।

तिब्बतमा माप्चा खम्बाब भनिने कर्णाली नदी नेपालको हुम्लास्थित हिल्सा नाका छिरेपछि कर्णाली बन्छ । कैलालीबाट दक्षिण लागेपछि घाघरा । अयोध्यामा यसलाई सरायु भनिन्छ भने त्यहाँबाट दक्षिणपूर्व बगेर बिहारको राजधानी पटनाभन्दा उत्तर पश्चिमस्थित छप्रा जिल्लामा गंगामा मिसिन्छ । गंगा नदीको सबैभन्दा ठूलो र दोस्रो लामो शाखा नदी कर्णाली हो । तिब्बतबाट भारतसम्म यसको लम्बाइ १०८० किलोमिटर छ भने नेपालमा यो ५ सय ७ किलोमिटरको दूरी बग्छ । नेपालका सबै ठूला नदी उत्तराखण्ड, उत्तरप्रदेश र विहारमा गंगा नदीसँग मिसिन्छन् । गंगाको ७० प्रतिशत पानी नेपालका नदीहरूबाट जान्छ ।

कैलाश पर्वतको दक्षिणमा दुइ ठूला ताल छन् (राक्षस ताल र मानसरोवर । झन्डै १५ मिटरको उचाइले मात्रै छुट्टिएका दुई तालबाट एकआपसमा पानी बगेर पनि जान्छ वर्षामा । राक्षस तालमा नुहाउने त कुरै भएन हेर्न पनि हुन्न भन्दा रहेछन् । मानसरोवर तालमा एक डुबुल्की मार्न मानिसहरू लाखौं खर्चेर हजारौं किलोमिटरको दूरी पार गरेर आउँछन् । हुम्लीहरू यो ताललाई लंकारी ताल भन्छन् । नेपालको हुम्ला, बाजुरालगायतका जिल्लामा स्थानीय मानिसहरूले कर्णाली नदी राक्षस तालबाट आएको हुनाले कर्णालीको विकास नभएको र पिछडिएको मान्दारहेछन् । तर, यो टोलीका वैज्ञानिकहरूले दुई दिन लगाएर गरेको स्थलगत अध्ययनबाट कतैबाट पनि राक्षस तालको पानी कर्णाली नदीमा मिसिएको देखिएन । राक्षस तालभन्दा दक्षिणमा रहेको गुर्लामान्दाता हिमालबाट निस्केका दुईवटा हिमनदीको पानी ४०–५० किलोमिटर उत्तरपश्चिमबाट बग्दै आएको अर्को शाखा नदीमा मिसिएको मात्र देख्यौं । त्यो नदी नै नेपाल छिरेपछि कर्णाली हुने हो ।

हामी राक्षस तालबाट दक्षिण झरेर कार्दुंग गाउँ हुँदै उत्तर लाग्यौं । मिंगमार घरीघरी रमाइला कुरा सुनाउँथे । पौराणिक कथा पनि भन्थे । कच्ची बाटोमा कर्णाली किनारैकिनार गुडिरहँदा उनले कैलाश पर्वतको कथा सुनाए, ‘हिटलरले दोस्रो विश्वयुद्ध हुनुअघि आफ्ना फौजका केही मानिसलाइ कैलाश पर्वत पठाएका थिए । समय नै परिवर्तन गरिदिने साँचो तिब्बतमा छ किनभने यो ब्रह्माण्डकै केन्द्रविन्दु हो भन्ने थाहा पाएर त्यो साँचो खोज्न यहाँ पठाएका थिए,’ आफैंले देखेजसरी मिंगमारले भने । खासमा हिन्दुहरू कैलाश पर्वतमा ध्यानमग्न भएर बसेका शिवजीसँग ब्रमाण्ड चलाउने शक्ति भएकाले उक्त स्थानलाई ब्रह्माण्डकै केन्द्रविन्दु मान्छन् ।

पछि खोज्दै जाँदा एउटा रमाइलो प्रसंग भेटें, सायद मिंगमारले यसैको आधारमा कथा बुनेको हुनुपर्छ । सन् १९३९ सेप्टेम्बरमा दोस्रो विश्वयुद्ध सुरु हुनु केही महिनाअघि मात्रै जर्मन नागरिक अर्नेस्ट साफरको टोलीले जर्मनीको तर्फबाट पहिलो आधिकारिक तिब्बत भ्रमण गरेको रहेछ । तिब्बतको इतिहास, संस्कृति र जैविक विविधताको तथ्यांक संकलन गर्ने टोलीको रूपमा उनीहरू आएका रहेछन् । प्राणीशास्त्री साफरको नेतृत्वमा ब्रिटिस इन्डियाको अनुमति लिएर सिक्किमबाट ल्हासा, सिगात्सेलगायतका स्थानहरूमा भ्रमण गरेको सो टोलीलाई तिब्बत सरकारले दुई महिना बस्ने, अनुसन्धान गर्ने र फोटो खिच्ने अनुमति दिएको रहेछ । तर, सो भ्रमणलाई हिटलरका प्रोपोगन्डा मन्त्री जोसेफ गोएबल्सले राजनीतिक रङ हालिदिएका थिए । गोएबल्सले प्रोपोगन्डा गर्ने जर्मन पत्रिकामा सो टोली अलिखित मान्डेटसहित तिब्बत हिँडेको समाचार छपाएपछि भारतमा ‘द स्टेट्स्म्यान’ पत्रिकाले तिब्बतमा नाजीहरूको घुसपैठ भन्ने लेख छापेको रहेछ । त्यसपछि बेलायती अधिकारीहरूले साफरको टोलीलाई कलकत्ताबाटै फर्काउने प्रयास गरे पनि सफल भएनन् । सो टोली फर्किने बेला हिटलरलाई एक जोर लामा पोसाक, एउटा तिब्बती कुकुर र बौद्ध धर्मावलम्बीहरूले प्रयोग गर्ने कांग्युर धर्मग्रन्थ उपहार लगिदिएका थिए । सयौं फोटो र सयौं वनस्पति र वन्यजन्तुका नमुना संकलन गरेर टोली फर्केको केही दिनमै दोस्रो विश्वयुद्ध सुरु भएको थियो । सायद यसैलाई मिंगमारले हिटलरले पठाएको टोली भनेको हुनुपर्छ ।

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मानसरोवर तालबाट उत्तरपश्चिमममा हामीले दुई रात टेन्टमा बितायौं । मिंगमारले एक स्थानीयलाई एक दिनका लागि हामीसँग हिँडेर मुहान देखाइदिन अनुरोध गरेका रहेछन् । बिहानै ६ बजेतिर म टेन्टबाट निस्कनेबित्तिकै एउटा सेतो एसयूभी गाडी देखेपछि तर्सें । कतै हामीलाई तिब्बती अधिकारीहरूले पछ्याइरहेका त छैनन् भनेर । मैले सोचेको थिएँ, एउटा झोला बोकेका मैलो कपडा लगाएर लुखुरलुखुर हिँडेर आउलान् तिब्बती गाइड भनेर । तिब्बत परिवर्तन भइसक्यो भन्ने पेमाको भनाइ मैले बिर्सेछु ।

एसयूभी गाडी हामी बसेको क्याम्पभन्दा माथि जाँदैनथियो । हामी उनकै पछि लागेर हिँड्यौं । अलि अगाडि कर्णाली तर्नुपर्ने थियो । बिहान घाम नलाग्दै हामी कर्णाली तर्दा पानी यति चिसो थियो कि बीचतिरै कतै मूच्र्छा परिएलाजस्तो । जुत्ता खोलेर एक मिनेटजतिमा नदी तरियो । पारि पुग्दा खुट्टा आफैंसग छन् कि छैनन्जस्तो भयो ।

आधा दिन हिँडेर एउटा ठूलो मूलमा पुग्यौं । मैले जीवनमा देखेको सबैभन्दा ठूलो मूलमध्ये एक थियो त्यो । मयूरको आकारको पहाडको फेदैनिरबाट निस्केको मूल झन्डै २० मिटर तल उत्तरपश्चिमको गरुडा उपत्यकाबाट आएको एउटा नदीमा मिसिन्छ । कर्णालीको सबैभन्दा लामो दूरीको उद्गमस्थल गरुडा उपत्यका भए पनि यो मूल निस्केको पहाडकै नाममा तिब्बतमा यस नदीलाई माप्चा खम्बाब भनिएको हो— स्थानीय गाडडले भने । माप्चा भनेको मयूर र खम्बाब भनेको मुख अर्थात् मयूरको मुखजस्तो पहाडबाट निस्केको नदी ।

पश्चिमी तिब्बत पिछडिएको क्षेत्र मानिन्छ । सन् ६० को दशकमा सुरु सडक निर्माण कार्यले ५–७ वर्षअघि मात्र पूर्णता पाएको हो । अहिलेका राष्ट्रपति सी चिनफिङले खास महत्त्वका साथ यहाँका विकास निर्माण काम गराइरहेका छन् । जताततै नयाँ सडक बन्दै छन् । हेरक गाउँलाई आधुनिकीकरण गरिएको छ । बिजुली पुर्‍याइएको छ । हरेकजसो गाउँमा नयाँ घर बन्ने क्रम तीव्र देखिन्छ । प्रत्येक घरका सदस्यलाई प्रतिव्यक्ति रकम दिएर सरकारी इन्जिनियरको डिजाइनअनुसार दुईतले घर बनाउने काम भइरहेको छ । मिंगमारका अनुसार चीनले सन् २०२० सम्म सबैलाई नयाँ घर, २०२५ सम्म सबै तिब्बतीलाई रोजगारी भनेको छ । राजनीतिक रूपमा बोल्न पहिलाजस्तो कडाइ अहिले छैन, बिस्तारै खुकुलो पारिंदै छ । योभन्दा पछाडिको पुस्ता चिनियाँ हुन्छ तिब्बती हुँदैन, योचाहिँ पक्का छ । हरेक गाउँका स्कुलमा बास्केटबल कोर्ट, केटाकेटी खेल्ने सरसामान देखिन्छ ।

धेरैजसो एउटा अंग्रेजी गीत हाम्रो गाडीमा बज्थ्यो । बबी म्याकफेरिनले गाएको– ‘डन्ट वरी वी ह्याप्पी । इन एभ्री लाइफ वी हाव सम ट्रबल, ह्वेन यू वरी यू मेक इट डबल’ । सुसेली हाल्दै गाइएको यो गीतले भन्छ— सबैको जीवनमा दु:ख हुन्छ, चिन्ताले दु:खलाई दोब्बर गरिदिन्छ, त्यसैले चिन्ता नगर, खुसी होऊ । यो बज्नेवित्तिकै मिंगमार खुसी हुँदै गाउन थाल्थे ।

विकास हुँदै जाँदा तिब्बतमा चिनियाँ प्रभाव बढ्दै छ । बिस्तारै तिब्बती संस्कृति हराउँदै छ । ‘तिब्बतमा अब जमिन मात्रै तिब्बती हुन्छ अरू सबै चाइनिज ।’ तिब्बतीहरू बाहिरका मानिससँग खासै कुरा गर्न चाहँदैनन् । केही भइहाल्ला भन्ने डरले हो कि । एउटा गाउँमा एक महिलासँग पेमाले माथि गुम्बामा जान पाइन्छ भनेर सोधे । सुरुमा हुन्छ भनेका उनले केही बेरपछि दौडिँदै आएर दुई सय मिटर जति परको प्रहरी चौकीमा सोधेर जाऊ भने । सायद उनी घरका अरू कोही सदस्यलाई सोधेपछि हामीतिर आएको हुनुपर्छ ।

संवाद गर्न तिब्बतमा गाह्रो छ । सागा सहरमा हामी सुप खान रेस्टुरेन्ट गएका थियौ । कफी, ब्रेड, केक सबै पाइने पश्चिमा शैलीको रेस्टुरेन्टको मेनु भने चाइनिजमा । काम गर्ने पनि चाइनिज मात्र बोल्ने । हामीले कति नै गरे पनि भेज सुप अर्डर गर्न सकेनौं । एक छिनपछि छेउमा राखेको मनिप्लान्टजस्तो बिरुवालाइ देखाएर भेज सुप भनेपछि बल्ल वेटरले बुझे । हामीले भेज सुप खायौं ।

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हामी ताक्लाकोट झर्‍यौं । यो सहरलाई बुरांग वा पुरांग पनि भनिन्छ । कर्णाली नदीको तीरमा बसेको यो नेपालको हिल्सा नाका झर्नुअघिको सबैभन्दा ठूलो तिब्बती सहर हो । नगरको यसरी पुनर्निर्माण भइरहेको छ कि यो पूरै एउटा ठूलो व्यवस्थित होटलजस्तो बन्दै छ । नेपालले तिब्बतमा भएको विकासबाट धेरै कुरा सिक्न सक्छ । हाम्रा नेता चिनियाँहरूको निम्तोमा घुम्न त जान्छन् तर उनीहरूले गरिरहेको व्यवस्थित बस्ती विकास र योजनाबद्ध सहरीकरणका बारेमा बुझ्नभन्दा पनि फोटो खिचेर सामाजिक सञ्जालमा हाल्न धेरै समय खर्च गर्छन् । एकदम छरिएका तिब्बत बस्तीहरूलाई उनीहरूले व्यवस्थित सहरमा परिणत गर्दै छन् । ससाना गाउँहरूलाई कुनै एक ठाउँमा सारेर । हाम्रोजस्तो पहाडी, हिमाली भेगका लागि विकासको पहिलो काम भनेकै छरिएका बस्तीहरूलाइ समेटेर स–साना शहर र वा गाउँहरू बनाउनु हो । त्यसपछि जनघनत्व र व्यापारिक महत्त्वका हिसाबले सडक सञ्जाल बनाउने वा उद्योग खोल्ने । जता मन लाग्यो उतै डोजर झोंसेर घरघरमा सडक पुर्‍याउने ध्याउन्नमा लागेका हाम्रा नेताले पनि केही सिके हुने ।

तिब्बतका अधिकांश ठाउँका पहाडमा सोलारका ठूलाठूला प्लेट राखिएका छन् । जहाँ सकिन्छ त्यहाँ हावाबाट बिजुली निकालिएको छ । कर्णाली नदीमा दुईवटा जलविद्युत् आयोजना सञ्चालन गरिएका छन् । बनाइएका सडकहरूबाट निस्केको ढुंगा–माटो कतै छरपस्ट देखिँदैन हाम्रोमा जस्तो ।

नेपालीहरू हुम्ला, दार्चुलाबाट यहाँ काम गर्न ताक्लाकोट आउँछन् । यहाँभन्दा माथि जान उनीहरूलाई छुट छैन । पहिलापहिला कैलाश जाने गरेका सीमावर्ती जिल्लाका मानिस पनि अहिले जान पाउँदैनन् । त्यसका लागि काठमाडौंबाट भिसा लिनुपर्छ । केही मानिसले पुस्तौंदेखि यहाँ व्यापार गरिरहेका छन् । नेपालका दार्चुला र हुम्ला अनि भारतको धार्चुलाका मानिसहरूका लागि छुट्टै बजार बनाइदिएको छ सरकारले । ताक्लाकोट बजारको उत्तरमा कर्णाली नदीकै किनारमा ठूला भवन बनिरहेका छन् । ती सुपरमार्केट हुन् । ‘अब सबै नेपाली र भारतीयको दोकान पनि त्यतै सार्ने योजनामा छ सरकार,’ एक नेपालीले भने । जाडो महिनामा भारत र नेपालमा आएर सामान खरिद गर्छन् र गर्मी सुरु भएपछि ताक्लाकोट गएर व्यापार गर्छन् । कात्तिकदेखि फागुनसम्म त पूरै बन्द ।

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‘सबै जना १० बजे रेडी हुनू, आर्मीले हामीलाइ साढे १० बजे बोलाएको छ,’ पेमाले भने । नवीन र मैले राति अबेरसम्म बसेर फोटो र भिडियो हार्ड डिस्कमा राखिसकेका थियौं । फोटो वा भिडियो चेक गरे भने फालिदेलान् भन्ने डरले हामीलाई सताइरहेको थियो । अस्टिन लर्ड भन्ने साथी हामीलाई नभनी पारिपट्टिको गुम्बा हेर्न गएछन् । उनी ११ बजेसम्म फर्किएनन् । मिंगमारले थर्काए, ‘अब तिमीहरूको साथी आएन, यतै बस आज पनि ।’ हामी केही बोलेनौं । ‘आर्मीले पूर्णिमाको रात सांस्कृतिक नाचहरू गर्छ । दिनभरि चेकिङ हुँदैन । अब हामीलाई साँझ मात्रै बोलाएको छ,’ हामीलाई जानकारी दिइयो । म र नवीन भने थप डरायौं । अस्टिन नआएपछि हामीले हाम्रा कुकलाई एउटा हार्डडिस्कचाहिँ चामलको बोरामा राखिदिन भन्यौ । खासै केही त थिएन तर दु:ख गरेर तिब्बतमा खिचेका तस्बिरका माया लागेको ।

चिन्ता पनि कति गर्नुपर्ने । ९ दिन ९ वर्षजस्तो भइसकेको थियो । साढे ११ बजेतिर अस्टिन आइपुग्यो । ढिला भइसकेको थियो । दिनभरि होटलमा कुर्‍यौं । साँझ साढे ५ बजे मेसिनमा सबै सामान चेक गरेपछि हामीलाई एउटा पास दिइयो । अब गाडीबाट झर्न पाइँदैन । हिल्सामा सामान चेक गर्ने मेसिन नभएकाले ताक्लाकोटमै सबै कुरा चेक गरेर पठाउँदा रहेछन् । हिल्सामा पासपोर्ट देखाएर बाहिर निस्कने मात्र ।

आधा घण्टामा सरर हिल्सा आइपुग्यौं । आफ्नो देश भनेको आफ्नै हो । अझ यो पनि नगर् त्यो पनि नगर्, उता पनि नजा यता पनि नजा । जहाँ भन्यो त्यहीं बस् भन्ने हैकममा बिताएका नौ दिनमा कम्ता सकस भएन । पासपोर्ट चेक गराएपछि बाहिर निस्केर मिंगमार र गाडीका दुई चालकलाई बिदाबादी गर्‍यौं । अँगालो मार्दै मिंगमारले भने, ‘राम्रोसँग जाउ, वी च्याटमा कुरा गरौंला ।’

हाम्रोतिरको कथा उस्तै छ । एउटा टेन्ट टाँगेर केही सुरक्षाकर्मी बसेका छन् । रजिस्टरमा नाम लेख्छन्, पासपोर्ट हेर्छन् र छाप हानिदिन्छन् । त्यसपछि नेपाल छिरियो । ‘एक जनालाई १०–१२ हजार दिएर ताक्लाकोटबाट चकलेट र अरू सामान ल्याइदे भनेको ५ दिन भयो फर्केकै छैन, त्यसलाई जान्याछु, आयो भने यहीं थुन्दिने हो,’ एक सुरक्षाकर्मीले सुनाए । सायद उनीहरू घर फर्कंदै थिए र केही सामान लान चाहन्थे । हुम्लातिरका एक व्यापारीलाइ पैसा दिएर पठाएका रहेछन् भोलि नै आउँछु भनेर चीन गएको ५ दिन हुँदा पनि नफर्केपछि चिन्तित भएका रहेछन् । प्रहरीलाई नै झुक्काइदिएछन् भन्दै हामी मुसुमुसु हाँस्यौं । ‘अब जाडो सुरु हुन्छ । हामी सिमिकोट झर्ने हो । हाम्रो पोस्ट पनि तिमीहरूले नै हेर्देऊ भनेर जाने हो चिनियाँलाई,’ उनले थपे । आफ्नो नाका अरूलाई जिम्मा लगाएर छाड्ने मुलुक विरलै होलान् यो पृथ्वीमा । काठमाडौं पशुपतिनाथको, हिल्सा कैलाशको कृपाले चलेको छ । सबै शिवजीकै जिम्मा ।

याे लेख कान्तिपुर दैनिकमा २२ मंसिर २०२२ मा प्रकाशित भएकाे थियाे ।

याे लेख कान्तिपुर दैनिकमा आश्विन २, २०७८ मा प्रकाशित भएकाे थियाे ।

रमेश भुसाल

पाँच किलोमिटरको दौडपछि पाइला रोकिए । पूरै शरीरै रोयो । म सडकछेउको इँटाले बनेको एउटा सानो पर्खालमा थचक्क बस्छु, जमिनतिर मुन्टो फर्काएर– स्याँस्याँ गर्दै ! धेरै अक्सिजन हुल्न म प्रयासरत छु किनभने अंगअंगमा बढेको अक्सिजनको माग पूरा गर्न मेरो फोक्सोलाई थप सक्रिय बनाउनुपरेको छ । हावामार्फत आएको अक्सिजन नाकमुखबाट फोक्सोमा पुगेपछि त्यहाँबाट मुटुले तानेर रगतमा रहेको हेमोग्लोबिनको सहाराले शरीरभरि पुर्‍याउँछ । हावाको अक्सिजनलाई रगतमा मिसाएर शरीरभरि पुर्‍याउनु, फुर्ती गर्नु– यही हो बाँच्नु भनेको । यति गर्न नसकेको दिन जिन्दगी चैट हुन्छ !

पृथ्वीमा मानिसले हरेक कुरा निःशुल्क पाएको थियो । अहिले पो उसले हरेक वस्तुको मूल्य तोक्यो— अक्सिजनको सिलिन्डरमा, पानीको थोपा–थोपामा, जमिनको इन्च–इन्चमा, काठको फिट–फिटमा ! पृथ्वीका लाखौं प्रजातिमध्ये मानिस मात्रै एउटा व्यापारी प्राणी हो । मजस्तै मास्क लगाएका बग्रेल्ती मानिस सकेसम्म धेरै अक्सिजन आपूर्ति गर्न तल्लीन छन् । तर, के तिनीहरूले सोचेका छन्— दुई मिनेट मात्रै यो पृथ्वीको हावाबाट अक्सिजन हरायो भने के हुन्छ ? यति सोचे मात्रै पनि पृथ्वीप्रति मानिस अलि उदार हुन्थ्यो होला ! तर, उसलाई फुर्सद कहाँ ?

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शरीरमा अक्सिजनको माग कम हुँदै गयो । फोक्सो बिस्तारै सामान्य अवस्थामा आएपछि आकाशतिर हेरेँ । कपूरको रूखको फेदमै बसेको पो रहेछु । टम्म बादल लागेको छ, केहीबेरपछि त्यो पक्कै झर्छ, यहाँ नभए त्यहाँ ! पानी कहिले उड्छ, कहिले बग्छ, कहिले जम्छ ! यो बडो बहुरूपी छ । पानी बहुरूपी नहुँदो हो त, यो पृथ्वी चल्ने थिएन । हिमाल नहुँदा हुन् त नदी कहाँ बग्थे ? बादल नहुँदो हो त पानी कहाँ पर्थ्यो ? खहरे कहाँ उर्लन्थे ? पानीले रूप फेरेको छ र त पृथ्वीमा जीवन चलेको छ ।

निधारबाट तप्प–तप्प पसिना झर्‍यो, कंक्रिटको भुइँमा । निधारबाट झर्‍यो, त्यसैले यो पसिना बन्यो, आँखाबाट झर्थ्यो त यो आँसु बन्थ्यो । फरक यत्ति छ, अहिले शरीरका मांसपेशी रोइरहेकाले पसिना झरिरहेको छ, मन रुँदो हो त आँखाबाट आँसु बनेर झर्थ्यो । म बसेको कुरा लामखुट्टेले सुइँको पाइसक्यो । युद्धक विमानजसरी मेरो शरीरवरिपरि फन्को मारिरहेछ, ल्यान्डिङ गर्ने दाउमा ! मेरो शरीरमा त्यो ल्यान्ड गर्ला र प्याट्ट पारौंला भनेर म पनि दाउ खोजेर बसेको छु । के थाहा उसलाई मेरो शरीर नै उसको मृत्युभूमि हो भन्ने ! एकाधपटकको प्रयासपछि मैले उसको जिन्दगी चैट पार्दिएँ । थप बाँच्ने योजनाका साथ आएको ऊ, सदाका लागि गयो । न उसका आफन्त छन्, न त कसैले दाहसंस्कारै गर्छ ! मैले प्याट्ट पारें, फ्याट्ट फालिदिएँ ।

म अलिकति निहुरिएँ, पसिनाको थोपा निधारबाटै टपक्क भुइँमा झर्‍यो । शिर अलि ठाडो पारें, त्यो पसिना नाकको डाँडीको उपल्लो भागबाट बगेर देब्रे लाग्यो र माथिल्लो ओठको कुनोभन्दा अलिपर गाला हुँदै च्यापुमा पुगेर भुइँमा खस्यो । पछिल्लो थोपा नदीजस्तै बग्यो— सलल र केहीबेरपछि झर्‍यो, अघिल्लो थोपा निधारबाटै तप्प जमिनमा झर्‍यो । थोरै ढल्कनुले पनि कति फरक पर्छ यहाँ ! यो पृथ्वी पनि २३.५ डिग्रीले नढल्केको भए, दुई ध्रुवबाहेकका ठाउँमा १२ घण्टा दिन हुन्थ्यो, १२ घण्टा रात पर्थ्यो ! थोरै ढल्केकाले सूर्यलाई फन्को मार्ने क्रममा वर्षको कहिले पृथ्वीको उत्तरी गोलार्द्धमा धेरै घाम पर्छ त कहिले दक्षिणी गोलार्द्धमा, त्यसैले जाडो र गर्मी याम ल्याउँछन् । यदि नढल्कँदो हो त अहिलेजस्तो गर्मीमा छोटा रात र लामा दिन हुँदैनथे । जाडोमा लामा रात र छोटा दिन हुँदैनथे । पृथ्वी नढल्कँदो हो त दुवै ध्रुवको ठूलै भूभागमा कहिल्यै घाम नै पर्दैनथ्यो । मानिसहरू पृथ्वीको भूमध्यरेखा वरपर मात्रै बस्न सक्थे सायद । अहिलेजसरी छरिन उनीहरू सक्दैनथे किनभने दुई ध्रुवहरूमा घाम नपरेपछिको बाह्रैमासे चिसो सहन सकिँदैनथ्यो ! थोरै नढल्केको भए यो पृथ्वी पूर्ण रूपमा अर्कै हुन्थ्यो । धन्य, पृथ्वी थोरै ढल्क्यो त्यसैले पूर्व–पश्चिम, उत्तर–दक्षिण सबैतिर सेपियन्सकै साम्राज्य छ !

तप्प झरेको पसिना किन त्यसरी नै झर्‍यो ? किन त्यो आकाशतिर गएन वा बांगिएर झरेन ? यो प्रश्न अहिले गर्दा हाँसो उठ्न सक्छ, तर केही सय वर्षअघिसम्म पनि यो पृथ्वीको सबैभन्दा महत्त्वपूर्ण र अनुत्तरित प्रश्न थियो । जब १७ औं शताब्दीमा आइज्याक न्युटनलाई एउटा प्रश्नले घच्घच्यायो, उनले त्यसको हिसाब खोजे । भनिएअनुसार, उनले बोटबाट स्याउ सीधै तल झरेको देखे र प्रश्न गरे— किन त्यो स्याउ बांगोटिंगो भएर खसेन ? किन त्यो माथि गएन ? कुन शक्तिले त्यसलाई झार्छ ? त्यसअघि पनि पृथ्वीमा करोडौं स्याउ खसेका थिए, करोडौं मानिस जन्मेका थिए । तर, जुन प्रश्नको उत्तर न्युटनले खोजेर गुरुत्वाकर्षण भने, त्यसैका कारण अन्य लाखौं आविष्कार भए, लाखौं प्रश्नका उत्तर भेटिए । विज्ञान सामान्य प्रक्रियाको असामान्य खोज हो सायद ।

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एउटा ठूलो झुसिलकिरो द्रुत गतिमा कंक्रिटको सडक पार गर्दै छ । कुनै सवारी आइहाल्यो भने कचक्कै पार्छ, तर संयोगले त्यो बाँच्यो । उसले गाडी चिनेको छैन । उसलाई के थाहा, मान्छेले के–के बनाइसक्यो ! मेरो छेउका एक हूल कमिलामाथि जब पसिनाको थोपा पर्‍यो तिनीहरूको भागाभाग भयो, कुनै मानव बस्तीमा युद्दक विमानबाट बम झरेजसरी ! अफगानिस्तानमा तालिबानले लेखेटेका मानिसहरूको झल्को दिनेखालको भगाभाग छ त्यो !

नाडीमा घडी बाँधेको छु । केही वर्षअघिसम्म घडीले एउटा मात्रै कुरा बताउँथ्यो— समय । तर, आज घडीले हरेक पाइला गन्न सक्छ, मुटुको चाल मापन गर्छ, दौडिँदा कति ऊर्जा खपत भयो भनेर पनि घडीले हिसाब राख्छ, नक्सा कोरिदिन्छ, बधाई ज्ञापन गर्छ, धन्यवाद भन्छ, गीत सुनाउँछ, फोन उठाउँछ । यस्तो लाग्छ, घडी नै अहिलेको सर्वज्ञाता हो । घडीले लेख्यो— फास्टेन्ट फाइभ के २८.४५, कन्ग्राचुलेसन्स ! अहिले घडी लेखनदास पनि हो, पहिले–पहिलेझैं उसले सुई मात्रै घुमाउँदैन, राम्रा अक्षर पनि कोर्छ । अर्थात् आज पाँच किलोमिटर दूरी पार गरेको समयचाहिँ आफ्नै पुरानो रेकर्ड तोडेको जानकारी हो । एउटा तक्मा देखाएर उसले मलाई हौस्यायो । म मख्ख परें । मानौं घडी ओलम्पिक खेलको निर्णायक हो । र, उसले मलाई तक्मा दिएको छ । यो पनि व्यापारी अवतारको मानिसको चर्तिकला हो । जति उपभोक्तालाई फुरुंग पार्‍यो उति धेरै पैसो झर्‍यो । पुँजी पृथ्वीको प्रमुख नयाँ कथा हो । यत्रतत्र सर्वत्र यसैको चर्चा छ, यसैको महत्त्व छ !

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मानिस नहुँदो हो त यो पृथ्वी कस्तो हुँदो हो ? वरिपरि आँखा घुमाउँछु । ऊ नहुँदो हो त मेरो वरिपरि देखिएको पिच गरेको सडक हुँदैनथ्यो, घर हुँदैनथे, फलामको बार हुँदैनथ्यो, म बसेको इँटाको थुप्रो हुँदैनथ्यो, कपडा हुँदैनथ्यो, घडी हुँदैनथ्यो, जुत्ता हुँदैनथ्यो, औंलामा लगाएको औंठी हुँदैनथ्यो, गोजीको मोबाइल हुँदैनथ्यो, वरपरि घुमिरहेका गाडी, मोटरसाइकल, साइकल हुँदैनथे, अगाडिको पार्क हुँदैनथ्यो, अलि पर रोपिएको खेत हुँदैनथ्यो, परको डाँडामा ठडिएको गुम्बा हुँदैनथ्यो, आकाशमा उडिरहेको जहाज हुँदैनथ्यो, त्यो बिजुलीको पोल हुँदैनथ्यो, छेउमा यत्रतत्र छरिएको प्लास्टिक हुँदैनथ्यो !

अरू के–के हुँदैनथ्यो के–के ! यी त वरिपरि देखिएका वस्तु मात्रै हुन्, त्यसबाहेक विभेद हुँदैनथ्यो, अन्याय हुँदैनथ्यो, बमबारी हुँदैनथ्यो, बन्दुक हुँदैनथ्यो, पुँजीवाद हुँदैनथ्यो, साम्यवाद हुँदैनथ्यो, समाजवाद हुँदैनथ्यो । योबाहेक अरू लाखौँ कुरा हुँदैनथे ।

म पृथ्वीबाट मानिस हटाएर वरिपरि हेर्छु । त्यहाँ देख्छु— कमिलाको लस्कर, केही लामखुट्टे, तीनवटा जुरेली, दुइटा भद्राई, एक हूल काग, केही परेवा, एउटा झुसिलकिरो, एकजोडी ढुकुर, केही झारपात, केही रूख ! त्यो भर्खरै सडक पार गरेको झुसिलकिरोले बाँच्नेबाहेक थप केही गरेको छैन । अलिपरको रूखमा देखिएको भद्राई पनि त्यहि गरिरहेछ वा बिजुलीको तारमा टेकिरहको जुरेली र भंगेरो पनि ! यस्तो देख्छु, मानिसबाहेक अरूले त यहाँ केही गरेकै छैनन् । अरूको बस् एउटै ध्याउन्न छ— खाने र बाँच्ने । मानिसको तन्तुचाहिँ अनेक छ । मानिसको पनि एउटै ध्याउन्न थियो खाने र बाँच्ने । तर, जब उसले पैसा बनायो र व्यापार सुरु गर्‍यो त्यसपछि ऊ मानिसबाट व्यापारीमा परिणत भयो । अनि पृथ्वीको दुर्दिन सुरु भयो ।

थकित शरीरलाई घरसम्म तान्छु । ल्यापटपमा बस्छु— फेरि सोच्छु, मानिस नभएको भए यो पनि त हुँदैनथ्यो । पृथ्वी साढे चार अर्ब वर्षको भयो । मानिस त धेरैमा साढे दुई लाख वर्षको मात्रै भयो होला । केही सय वर्षअघिसम्म पनि ऊ बुंगै थियो । कोठाको वरिवरि आँखा घुमाउँछु— यी सयौं किताब, कलम, मेच, टेबुल, बिजुली, सिमेन्टमा पोतिएको रङ, झ्यालको सिसा ! अहिले मेरा वरिपरि देखिएका अधिकांश वस्तु त जम्मा केही सय वर्षबीचमा मात्रै त बनेका हुन् !

कम्प्युटरमा सयौं इमेल अर्थात् इपत्र झरेका छन्, पुराना हजारौं पनि छँदै छन् । आजभन्दा एकाध सय वर्षअघिसम्मका मानिसले कहिल्यै फोनमा कुरा नगरी मरे, गाडी नचढी मरे, जहाज नदेखी मरे, टीभी नहेरी गए । अहो ! हामी कत्ति भाग्यमानी पुस्ता भयौं भनेर मख्ख परेको छु । हजुरबाले हलो चलाएर जीविकोपार्जन गरे, बाले कलम, मैलै कम्प्युटर ! खुब परिपर्वन भयो पृथ्वीमा गएका केही दशकमा । यी इमेलमा लेखिएका लाखौं शब्द यदि साँच्चै कागजमा लेख्नुपरेको भए कति रूख काट्नुपर्दो हो, कति मसी चाहिँदो हो ! फरर लेख्यो, ट्याक्क थिच्यो, उता टुप्लुक्क पुग्यो, उसले फरर पढ्यो, अनि फेरि सरर उत्तर लेख्यो र ट्याक्क थिच्यो, यता फ्याट्ट झर्‍यो क्याबात !

तर, यो इपत्र पश्चिममा हाम्रोजस्तै पहाड–हिमाल भएको, समुद्र नपुगेको स्विट्जरल्यान्ड नामको देशबाट पूर्व हान्निएर यता मीत देशमा आएको रहेछ, बडो चिन्ताजनक सन्देश बोकेर । यो त रातो पृथ्वीको कथा बोकेर झरेको छ, तातो पृथ्वीको कथा बोकेर झरेको छ । आईपीसीसी अर्थात् जलवायु परिवर्तनसम्बन्धी अध्ययन गर्ने वैज्ञानिकहरूको विश्वव्यापी संस्थाबाट लेखिएको इपत्र हो यो । विश्वभरिका चौध हजार अनुसन्धान केलाउन ६६ देशका २३४ जना वैज्ञानिक सामेल भएर निकालेको निष्कर्ष पत्रमा लेखिएको छ, ‘संसारभरिका वैज्ञानिकहरूको खोजले यो पृथ्वीको जलवायु प्रणालीमा अभूतपूर्व परिवर्तन आइरहेको देखाएका छन् । कम्तीमा पनि यस रिपोर्टले औंल्याएका विभिन्न परिवर्तन त विगतका हजारौं वा लाखौं वर्षमा नभएको तहको परिवर्तन देखिन्छन् जस्तो कि बढ्दो समुद्र सतह, द्रुत गतिमा पग्लँदो हिउँ ।’ पत्रमा थप लेखिएको छ, ‘सन् १८५० देखि १९०० को दाँजोमा पृथ्वीको तापक्रम औसतमा १.१ डिग्रीले बढिसकेको छ । यसको कारण मानिसले विगतको साढे दुई सय वर्षमा निकालेको कार्बनडाइअक्साइडलगायतका हरितगृह ग्यासको उत्सर्जन हो । यही गतिमा अगाडि बढ्ने हो भने अबको २० वर्षमा पृथ्वीको औसत तापक्रम आद्यौगिक समयको तुलनमा १.५ डिग्रीले बढ्नेछ, शताब्दीको अन्त्यसम्म तीन डिग्रीले बढ्नेछ ।’

यो कुरो बडो जटिल छ । त्यसैले ‘नक्सामा हेर र बुझ’ भनेर इपत्रले अर्को ठेगानामा पठायो, जहाँ दाहिने कुनोमा हल्का रातो पृथ्वी एकनासले घुमिरहेको छ । हाम्रो सम्भावित भविष्य लेखेर उसले प्लस १.५ डिग्री, २ डिग्री, ३ डिग्री, ४ डिग्री लेखेको छ । म अब पृथ्वीलाई नियन्त्रित घुमाइका लागि आफ्नो औंला तयार पार्छु । अहिले कम्प्युटरमा पृथ्वी घुमाउन एउटा औंला काफी छ । रातो सन्देश बोकेर कम्प्युटरमा घुमिरहेको पृथ्वीलाई टक्क रोक्छु र फनक्क फर्काएर उल्टो त्रिभुजाकारको भारत र आसपासको क्षेत्रमा ल्याएर अडिन्छु, जसलाई आधुनिक मानवले दक्षिण एसिया भन्छ । तर, यो पृथ्वीको वास्तविक नक्सा हो, जसमा देशहरू छैनन् । कि त जमिन छ कि त पानी । पृथ्वीमा अर्बौं वर्षसम्म कुनै देश थिएनन् । देशहरू त केही सय वर्षअघि मात्रै मानिसले बनाएका हुन् । तर, जब देश बन्न थाले, पृथ्वी तातो हुन थाल्यो, विज्ञानको भाषामा रातो हुन थाल्यो । देश बन्न थालेपछि पुँजी जम्मा गरेर को धनी हुने भन्ने होडबाजी चल्यो, त्यसपछि पृथ्वी तातो हुन थाल्यो । र, मानिसले अठारौं शताब्दीमा इन्जिन बनायो । कोइला, पेट्रोलियमले इन्जिन चलायो । आफ्नो गति बढायो, गियर चढायो र हुइँकियो बेगले पैसा बटुल्दै, कार्बनडाइअक्साइड उडाउँदै ।

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म उल्टो त्रिभुजको माथिल्लो भाग, जहाँ कतै नेपाल भन्ने देश छ, त्यसबाट पश्चिम हान्निन्छु अनुमानित पाकिस्तान, अफगानिस्तान, इरान हुँदै ! त्यसपछि एउटा कुलोजस्तो अरब सागरको उत्तर पश्चिम हानिएको चोसो काटेर साउदी अरबको आसपासबाट अफ्रिका पार गर्छु । उत्तर उकालिए युरोप हुँदै आर्कटिक पुगिन्छ, दक्षिण झरिरहेको अफ्रिका कतै अन्टार्टिकातिर पुगौंला जसरी फिँजारिएको छ । अफ्रिकाको दक्षिणी भाग भारतको जस्तो चुच्चो नभएर अलि बुच्चो छ । थप पश्चिममा अटलान्टिक महासागर काटेर मध्यअमेरिका हुँदै प्रशान्त महासागर छिर्नुअघि अलिकति उत्तरमा रहेको सयुंक्त राज्य अमेरिकामा आँखा लगाएर म टक्क रोकिन्छु । यो पृथ्वीलाई रातो बनाउने प्रमुख भूमिमध्येको अग्रणी हो यो, पृथ्वीमा सबैभन्दा बढी राँइदाइँ गरेको मुलुक । म प्रशान्त छिरेर लामो समुद्री यात्रापछि फेरो मारेर चीन पस्छु, जुन रातो पृथ्वी बनाउने पछिल्लो ठूलो खेलाडी हो । थप पश्चिम बढेर छिमेकको तिब्बती पठारतिर गतिलाई धीमा बनाएर अनुमानित नेपालमा औंला रोक्छु । केही सेकेन्डमै पृथ्वीको एक फन्को मार्छु । यो पृथ्वीको नक्सा कोर्न मात्रै कत्तिले पसिना चुहाए, कत्ति त वर्षौं डुले । सयौं वर्ष त यसको नक्सा बनाउन मात्रै लाग्यो । आज मैले यही पृथ्वीलाई औंलामा नचाइरहेको छु !

कुनै देश, महादेश, महासागर, सहर, गाउँ नलेखिएको पृथ्वी घुम्दा पो पृथ्वी बल्ल सगोलमा देखिँदोरहेछ । ठाउँ लेखिएका नक्सा हेरेर पृथ्वी घुम्दा त कतै मुसलमान देखिन्छ कतै हिन्दु, कतै क्रिस्चियन देखिन्छ कतै जैन । कतै कालो मानिस देखिन्छ कतै गोरो । कतै गरिब देखिन्छ कतै धनी । कतै पुँजीवादी देखिन्छ कतै साम्यवादी । कतै युद्ध देखिन्छ कतै शान्ति । बडो जटिल नक्सा पो देखिन्छ । बेनामे पृथ्वी मैले घुमाएकै रैनछु, जहाँ कि त जमिन देखिन्छ कि त हिउँ वा पानी । मानिसबाहेक यो पृथ्वीमा कसैको गाउँ छैन, सहर छैन, देश छैन, महादेश छैन । कित्ताकाट गरेको पृथ्वी मानिसले बनाएको हो । अरू कसैले पृथ्वीलाई कित्ताकाट गरेको छैन ।

पृथ्वीको खास रङ नीलो हो किनकि यसको दुईतिहाइ भूभाग पानीले भरिएको छ । तर, मैले हल्का रातो पृथ्वी घुमाइरहेको छु अर्थात् १.१ डिग्री तातेको पृथ्वी, गुगलअर्थको जस्तो नीलो पृथ्वी होइन । वैज्ञानिकहरू तातोलाई रातो रङले चिनाउँछन् । हामी हल्का रातो रङको पृथ्वीवासी भइसकेका छौं । पूर्व–पश्चिम एक फन्को मारेपछि म पृथ्वीलाई स्वाट्टै उत्तरी गोलार्द्धको टुप्पोतिर पुर्‍याउँछु— रुसभन्दा पनि माथि ग्रिनल्यान्ड आसपासतिर, अनुमानित । त्यता त बडो गाढा–गाढा रातो पो देखिन्छ ! त्यसपछि स्वाट्टै दक्षिणी गोलार्द्धको टुप्पोमा अन्टार्टिकातिर झार्छु, त्यहाँ नेपाल भएको भूभागभन्दा बढी रातो देखिन्छ, तर उत्तरी गोलार्द्धको टुप्पोभन्दा भने कम रातोपना !

म त्यसपछि प्लस दुई डिग्री थिच्छु र पृथ्वी घुम्छु । रातो रङ त झन् गाडा बन्छ, रातो रङ थप ठाउँहरूमा फैलिन्छ । तीन डिग्री थिचेर पृथ्वी सयर गर्छु, पृथ्वी सबैतिर राताम्मे हुन्छ । जब चार डिग्री थिचेर हर्छु, जमिन त पूरै रगतले लिपेजस्तो देखिन्छ, समुद्रचाहिँ अलि फिक्का ! जति गाढा रातो रङ त्यति बढी तातोपना !

यो रातो रङको अर्थ के हो त ?

पूरै पृथ्वी औसतमा तातिसकेको छ, तर तात्नेक्रम कतै बढी छ कतै कम !

कसरी भयो त पृथ्वी रातो अर्थात् तातो ?

यो रातो कथा छोटो समयमा बुनिएको हो— करोड, लाख वा हजार वर्षअघि पृथ्वी तात्न सुरु भएको थिएन । यो तातो पृथ्वीको उमेर जम्मा तीन सय वर्षजति हो, स्मरण रहोस् पृथ्वीको उमेरचाहिँ साढे चार अर्ब वर्ष हो । मानिसले पहिले पृथ्वीमा सबै कुरा पाखुराले गर्थ्यो वा जनावरका सहराले, त्यो क्रम हजारौं वर्ष चल्यो ।

तर, बेलायतमा इन्जिन बनेपछि मान्छेले कोइला भेट्यो, त्यसलाई उसले खुब बाल्यो । कोइला बालेर बिजुली पनि निकाल्न थाल्यो, उद्योग चलायो, सामान बनायो । त्यति मात्रै होइन, उसले पेट्रोलियमका खानी भेट्यो । इन्जिनले चल्ने गाडी बने, रेल, जहाज, पानीजहाज अनेक बने । मानिसले चमत्कार गर्‍यो । पैताला खियाएर हिँडिरहेको मानिस हेर्दाहेर्दै गुड्यो, त्यसपछि उड्यो र अर्को ग्रहमा समेत पुग्यो । ओखतीमुलो पनि बनायो । एकातिर ऊ पृथ्वी घुम्यो, भूगर्व खोतल्यो अर्कोतर्फ आफ्नै शरीरभित्रका अंगअंग हेर्न सकिने यन्त्र बनायो । धेरै बाँच्न अस्पताल बनायो, आरमले बस्न सहर बनायो ।

मानिस मख्ख पर्दै थियो, तर बीसौं शताब्दीको मध्यतिर आउँदा केही वैज्ञानिकले थाहा पाए— मानिसले जे बालिरहेको छ वा इन्जिनमा हालिरहेको छ, त्यसले त वायुमण्डलमा व्यापक कार्बनडाइअक्साइड नामको ग्यास फालिरहेको छ । विज्ञानले पनि चमत्कार गरिसकेको थियो । हजारौं, लाखौं वर्षअघिको हिउँ केलाएर त्यसबेलाको हावामा कार्बनडाइअक्साइडको मात्रा कति थियो भनेर ऊ खोज्न सक्ने भइसकेको थियो । लाखौं, करोडौं वर्षअघिको जलवायुको अवस्था कस्तो थियो भन्ने बुझ्न ऊ ढुंगा–माटो केलाउन सक्ने भइसकेको थियो । त्यसपछि मापन सुरु भयो र सन् ९० को दशकमा वैज्ञानिकहरूले किटानी गरेर भने— पृथ्वी मानिसका कारणले तात्यो । अर्थात् वास्तवमा पृथ्वी तातो छ, कम्प्युटरमा पृथ्वी रातो छ । तातो भनेकै रातो हुनु हो ।

यो रातो पृथ्वीको इपत्र त वैज्ञानिकहरूको छैटौं प्रतिवेदन हो, गत ४० वर्षभित्र निकालेको । बीसौं शताब्दीको मध्यमा पाँच अर्ब टन प्रतिवर्ष भएको कार्बन उत्सर्जन अहिले ३५ अर्ब टन कटिसक्यो, जसको दुईतिहाइ उत्सर्जन मानिसका लागि प्रयोग हुने यातायात, बिजुली र उद्योगहरूबाट हुनेगर्छ । कार्बनडाइअक्साइड पृथ्वी तताउने प्रमुख ग्यास हो । हाम्रो दक्षिणमा रहेको भारत, उत्तरमा रहेको चीन र सुदूरपश्चिममा रहेको अमेरिकाले मात्रै पृथ्वीमा मानिसले उत्सर्जन गर्ने कुल कार्बनडाइअक्साइडको आधा उत्सर्जन गर्छन् । तीन देश बराबर पृथ्वीका बाँकी सबै देश ! यो हिसाब बडो असन्तुलित छ । इन्धनले मानिसलाई आराम दियो, उसलाई विकसित बनायो । तर, पृथ्वीको ज्वरो निकालिदियो, जलवायुको चक्र नै बदलिन थाल्यो, समुद्र सहत बढायो र हिमाल पगाल्यो ।

पृथ्वी तातेपछि के हुन्छ भन्ने प्रश्नको उत्तर पनि वरिपरि नै छ, देखिइसकेकै छ ।

यो रातो पृथ्वीको सन्देशसहितको इपत्र झरेको केही दिनपछि एक रात काठमाडौं खाल्डोमा झमझम पानी परेको छ । बिहान उठ्दा त नदीले उठीबास बनाएका नदी किनारका बस्तीको फोटो छ्याप्छ्याप्ती भइसकेछन् । कति पानी परेछ ? १२१.५ मिलिमिटर । मैले खोज्न थालें, योभन्दा अघि काठमाडौं उपत्यकामा यस्तो पानी कहिले परेको रहेछ ! सरकारी तथ्यांक भन्छ— पानी मापन गर्न थालेको सन् १९६८ देखि केलाउँदा योभन्दा बढी पानी जम्मा तीनपटक परेको छ । सन् १९८७ मा १२४.४ मिलिमिटर, सन् २००२ मा १७७ मिलिमिटर र सन् २०१२ मा १२६ मिलिमिटर । यसको अर्थ हो अब यस्तो छङछङ पानी पर्ने क्रम बढ्छ, थोरै समयमा धेरैपटक पर्छ । अब पानी झमझम मात्रै पर्दैन, छङछङ पनि झर्छ— झरना जसरी । यही हो तातो पृथ्वीको कथा, झमझमबाट छङछङको यात्रा !

तातो पृथ्वीमा यस्ता उत्पातका घटना बढिसके, अब थप बढ्नेछन् । समुद्र सतह द्रुत गतिमा उकालो लाग्नेछ, बाढी पहिरो बढ्नेछ, समुद्री आँधी थप विनाशकारी हुनेछन्, कतै उत्पात पानी पर्नेछ त कतै भयंकर खडेरी लाग्नेछ, यस्तैयस्तै । गरिब झन् समस्यामा पर्नेछन्, तर धनीहरू पनि मख्ख परेर नबसे हुन्छ । प्रकृतिका अगाडि पैसाको मात्रै केही लाग्दैन । समुद्री आँधीले अमेरिकामा पनि भागाभाग छ, बंगलादेशमा पनि, बाढीले मेलम्चीमा पनि उठीबास छ उता जर्मनीमा पनि । तापक्रम वास्तवमा पृथ्वी चलाउने इन्धन हो । यसमा आउने सामान्य फेरबदलले पनि व्यापक असर गर्छ । एकातिर जताततै अव्यवस्थित विकासले विनाश गरिरहेको छ भने अर्कोतर्फ पृथ्वी नै तातेर जलवायुको चक्रमै परिवर्तन भइरहेको छ ।

तातो पृथ्वीमा जे पनि छिटोछिटो भइरहेको छ । अब परिवर्तनका कुरा सुन्न हजुरबा– हजुरआमा चाहिँदैनन्, बा–आमा पनि जरुरी छैन, दाइ–दिदीले ठूला–ठूला परिवर्तनको कुरा भन्न सक्छन् । अझै उनीहरू पनि चाहिँदैनन्, आफैं एकबारको जुनीमै ठूला–ठूला घटना बारम्बार देख्न पाइनेछ । यसो फर्केर हेरौं त विगतका केही दशकमै हामीले के–के देख्यौ ? के–के गर्‍यौं ? तातो पृथ्वीमा थप अन्योल बढ्नेछ, थप कोलाहल हुनेछ । आशा गरौं— आफैंले आफैंलाई ‘बुद्धिमान’ भनिरहेको यो पृथ्वीका राजा प्रजाति अर्थात् सेपियन्सले यो विषय छिटो बुझ्नेछ र सुरक्षित यात्रा तय गर्नेछ । पृथ्वी नीलै राखेको ठीक, चिसै राखेको ठीक !

Published in Kantipur daily: https://ekantipur.com/koseli/2021/09/18/163193580093843894.html

Ramesh Bhushal

6 April, 2024

The beginning of 2024 for Nepal was marked by important talks to export hydropower produced electricity. In the first week of January, Nepal signed a 25-year trade deal with India. One key agreement was to sell 10,000 MW of electricity to India in the next 10 years. And in the third week of February, Kulman Ghising, the managing director of the Nepal Electricity Authority led a delegation to Bangladesh to discuss tariffs for electricity trade. While the two countries have not, as yet, succeeded in agreeing on the price, both the countries have long pursued electricity trade with each other.

Back home in Nepal, however, Deep Narayan Shah – an aquatic biodiversity researcher who teaches at Tribhuvan University’s environmental science department – worried how a major expansion of hydropower would affect fish. In 2021, Shah worked as part of a team of researchers for the Norwegian consulting company SINTEF to assess the impact of hydropower on aquatic biodiversity in Nepal. This was the latest in a series of reports drawing on international best practices and comparing them with ground realities in the country.

At the time the study was conducted Nepal had a generation capacity of 1,200 MW from 86 operational hydropower projects. Of these, the study focussed on 50. By the end of 2023, 142 hydro projects with a generation capacity of 2,603 MW were in operation, and another 244 projects with a generation capacity of 8,757 MW were under construction, according to the Electricity Development Department. None of these projects have engaged with the alarming issues highlighted by the SINTEF report.

Dry riverbeds, fish ladders that don’t work

The biggest impact of hydropower dams, the report noted, was in blocking water flow, stating: “None of the 50 HPPs [Hydropower projects] conducted any studies of the Environmental Flows (EFlows) to determine the flow rate to be released to ensure that fish and other aquatic life can survive in the river.” Without such a study, most of the projects simply said that they released 10% water flow, as mandated by the country’s hydropower policy. During the inspection by the SINTEF team, though, they saw that even the 10% was not maintained in the dry season (roughly December to May). During the last three to four months of this period, many hydropower projects released no water at all, with the riverbed drying out for more than 10 kilometres downstream.

The devastation this can cause cannot be overstated, but even when there is water flow there are problems. For a number of fish species, migration up and down a river is necessary for breeding, and hydropower projects block their movement. Under Nepal’s laws, such projects have to build fish ladders – structures that will help the fish navigate around the construction. But Shah and his team found that only 12 of the 50 hydropower projects in the study have fish ladders for upstream fish migration. “However, none of the fish ladders were designed for the specific migratory fish in the river, and only one has been monitored to assess if fish are successfully passing through the fish ladder,” the report found.

Findings fall on deaf ears

As hydropower projects continue to be built in Nepal, the lessons from the report are not being implemented, says Shah. Part of the reason is that neither the World Bank – which commissioned the report – or the electricity department in Nepal whose work it audited, have made the report public. SINTEF put the report on its website, and in an email reply to The Third Pole said it is not an “official report” of the World Bank. Nonetheless, SINTEF said that they and the World Bank had sent the report to authorities in Nepal and had a virtual discussion.

Officials at the Department of Electricity Development denied any knowledge of the report, although Kamal Panthi, an engineer at the environment section of the department, said that only limited monitoring of aquatic impact was conducted. “We approve reports prepared by the developers and fully rely on them,” he said, “we don’t have the means and mechanism to monitor hydropower projects across the country, nor do we validate environmental assessment reports through field visits.” He added that the finance ministry slashed the budget and “has allocated just seven lakhs [USD 5,000] for monitoring [for the July 16, 2023-July 15, 2024 fiscal year]. How would you monitor projects nationwide with such a minimal budget?”

Developers are already stressed as there are too many rules and regulations… so who would have time to think about fish?

Prateek Pradhan, vice president of Butwal Power Company

Laws to preserve aquatic biodiversity precede those for other forms of wildlife in Nepal. The country passed its Aquatic Animals Protection Act in 1960, 13 years before the passage of the National Parks and Wildlife Conservation Act. Rakesh Yadav, an aquatic biodiversity expert who took part in the study, said, “Everybody sees energy in the flowing water in our rivers but hardly realises that water is just a part of a bigger ecosystem.” He added, “If the government could monitor and implement existing policies, that would improve things.”

Energy producers have a separate point of view. Prateek Pradhan, vice president of Butwal Power Company – one of Nepal’s pioneering private sector hydropower companies – told The Third Pole, “Developers are already stressed as there are too many rules and regulations, electricity authorities close their eyes as they need more energy to meet growing energy demand and to sell it to India whereas the locals have so many other issues that they would like to have the funds to be invested [like roads, schools, hospitals] so who would have time to think about fish?”

Narrow approach destroys biodiversity

Nepal sees hydropower projects as critical to its own energy needs as well as a way to earn revenue from abroad. Speaking on the condition of anonymity, a source at the Nepal Electricity Authority said that, until “a couple of years ago, we used to have power cuts of over 12 hours every day… The country still imports one-third of electricity from India during winter as run-of-the-river projects generate less than half of installed capacity then.” He asked rhetorically, “Who would want to talk about fish when each drop of water could be counted as money?”

This type of thinking has had a corrosive impact on Nepal’s aquatic biodiversity. According to the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN), out of 230 freshwater fish species in Nepal, 21 are on the red list, with three critically endangered, one endangered, four vulnerable, and 13 near threatened. Several reports, including one from the Asian Development Bank released in 2018, have highlighted hydropower projects as a key reason that the fish population is declining across the country, and dams are one of the significant problems. Atle Harby, a senior research scientist at SINTEF who led the hydropower study, highlighted a first step that Nepal could take. “The Ministry of Energy, Water Resources and Irrigation could start by preparing a master plan for hydropower development in the country, seeking a balance in power generation with electricity demand, power sources, and environmental and societal needs”.

Nepal’s rhesus macaques love maize and other crops, but their foraging means that poor farmers are losing much-needed income (Image: Alamy)

RAMESH BHUSHAL

Monkeys in Nepal are giving locals and authorities sleepless nights. Newspapers are peppered with reports of monkeys raiding kitchens in villages. Meanwhile farmers dread harvest season, fearing raids on their ripe maize. Monkeys love maize, but so do farmers, as it provides a good return on investment.

Many solutions are currently being discussed, including compensating farmers, culling monkeys or even logging trees to limit the habitat of monkeys. Chandra Bhandari, the Member of Parliament from Gulmi, raised the issue in parliament, stating on June 2, 2024 that, “farmers are planning to send monkeys as gifts to the parliament as a response to our [turning a] deaf ear to the problems they have been facing.”

Nepal has three species of monkeys; the rhesus macaque, Assamese macaque, and Hanuman langur. But reports of conflict are largely linked with the rhesus macaque. This species is well-known for being able to adapt to humans.

“Debates are being done in such a way that [all nuance is lost], and all monkeys are demons,” said Sabina Koirala, who researches primate behaviour. She has researched crop-raiding behaviour by rhesus macaques, and one paper co-authored by her found that farmers in the Panauti municipality of central Nepal’s Kavre district were suffering an annual loss of USD 15 (about 5% of their average annual cropping income) because of monkey raids. “For those not cultivating rice but only maize, the total damage was 10% of total income,” Koirala said.

Nepal’s annual per capita GDP – an approximate measure of average income – was just over USD 1,300 in 2023, so losses like this are hard to bear for poorer communities.

At the same time, Nepal currently lacks robust data on its monkey population. It is hard, therefore, to estimate how widespread the real problem is, even if the heated discussion around it seems to suggest a widespread problem.

Lessons from India?

Across the border from Nepal, in the Indian Himalayan state of Himachal Pradesh responded to a similar problem by neutering 160,000 monkeys between 2006 and 2018. In February this year, a team of Nepalese parliamentarians along with foresters and veterinarians visited the Indian state to understand if this had worked, and if so, what were the challenges.

“It is just an option being discussed, but castration is very expensive as it’s quite hard to catch monkeys and keep them in the enclosure until the surgery wound is healed. I don’t think we can afford it,” said Bed Prasad Dhakal, spokesperson at Nepal’s wildlife department.

According to a 2020 report by Himachal Pradesh’s forest department, the rhesus macaque population is now 136,443, which is around 33% lower than 2004 when the sterilisation programme began.

This apparent success, though, has a dark side. The Animal Welfare Board of India (AWBI), which operates under the Ministry of Environment and Forests, criticised the programme after a team found that captured monkeys often suffered injuries, starvation, prolonged captivity and other abuses during the sterilisation process.

Castration is very expensive as it’s quite hard to catch monkeys

Bed Prasad Dhakal, Nepal wildlife department spokesperson

Himachal Pradesh also undertook a culling programme from 2016 to 2020, after permission from the Union government, which has the authority to categorise animals as protected or not. The move to classify monkeys as pests in 2016 triggered a war of words in the Indian cabinet at the time. Maneka Gandhi, then the Minister of Women and Child Development, criticised the environment minister, saying that his ministry is “frivolously granting permission to kill innocent animals.”

The data on how many animals were culled has not been made public.

In 2023 Nepal was also seriously contemplating a similar move according to Hari Bhadra Acharya, senior planning officer at the department of National Parks and Wildlife Conservation. He told Dialogue Earth that both the wild boar and the rhesus macaque were scheduled to be labelled as pests, clearing the way for their culling, but while boars were classified as pests, monkeys were not. “Both animals were on the draft proposal, but some top-notch officials feared it would bring trouble due to religious values, so we had to take [monkeys] off the list,” added Acharya.

Monkeys are considered sacred by some members of the Hindu community, but this has not stopped officials from contemplating culling.

“Culling is part of wildlife management and it has been done in other countries. We should do it, if need be,” said Phanindra Kharel, former director general of Nepal’s wildlife department.

Foresting fails led to monkey raids

Nepal’s community forestry programme may have contributed to the current rhesus macaque-human conflict, according to another paper co-authored by Koirala. The forestry programme helped reduce the deforestation rates from 1.31% in 1975 to 0.01% in 2013, but it also promoted monoculture timber plantations.

There has been a net loss of 48.6% of native forests between 1930 to 2014, whereas the number of small forest patches between 1.01 km² and 2.02 km² has increased from 6,925 in 1930 to 42,961 in 2014. The trees chosen for the forestry programme had high economic value as timber, but did not restore the natural biodiversity, argues the paper.

“[As a result], several food-providing species declined and new monoculture forests heavily focused on commercial value which forced monkeys to invade cropland,” said Koirala, explaining that monkeys could no longer find enough food within the forests.

These community forests are mainly in the mid-hills of Nepal, where the human-monkey conflict has been escalating. But the chairperson of the Federation of Community Forest Users’, Thakur Bhandari, pushed back against this explanation.

“Our forests are diverse, and we have planted plenty of species including several fruit [trees] across the country. Government and other agencies failed to avert this crisis and now they are pointing fingers at us,” he said.

He added: “If you can’t solve the problem, give us the authority to deal with it. We will solve it within a few months by killing them on a selective basis to control their population. Communities have been suffering but experts, bureaucrats and politicians are just talking.”

Male migration out of villages leaves them undefended

Another complicating factor is Nepal’s high out-migration since the 1990s, with people travelling overseas for jobs. 2019 data from the International Organization for Migration suggested that more than 90% of the migrants moving overseas were men, and over 75% were in the age group of 15-34 years. “The monkey-human conflict was there in the past too, but there was a human force to deter them or guard fields,” explained Koirala. Now the people managing fields are largely women, children and the elderly.

Koirala adds that the farm-based diet has also changed monkey behaviour. “As they feed on more protein-based crops in the field which don’t require them to burn much energy, they spend their energy in reproduction,” she said, inevitably increasing the monkey population.

A senior official at the Ministry of Forest and Environment, speaking on condition of anonymity, said that a committee to study the problem and recommend solutions had been formed in the ministry. He was, however, dismissive of any serious action.

“If there had been an intention to solve this problem, then it should have been a high-level committee with a political mandate under the prime minister and parliamentarians on board. A committee like this formed by the ministry will just be a ritual as many recommendations from several committees on other issues have been gathering dust.”

Published at: https://dialogue.earth/en/nature/in-nepal-debate-rages-on-crop-raiding-monkeys/

Next to my home in Bhainsepati stood a dead Uttis tree next to a public tap. A nearby water tank built a year earlier had killed its roots.

If the tree collapsed, people living nearby and those queuing up to fetch water at the tap would be hurt. With the storm season approaching, the risk was obvious. The tree could also fall on my own house, so I volunteered to find a way to remove this threat.

Little did I know how difficult it would be. A forest officer acquaintance told me there is a special procedure for cutting risky trees. I contacted the Lalitpur District Forest Office (DFO).

He said a technical report from a field officer was needed, and passed on her number. When I called, she asked for the location, photos, and a video. I send them all.

The ward office also suggested I use Lalitpur Metropolitan City’s mobile app, Lalitpur Alert, to report the problem. I uploaded photos, and submitted the complaint. This seemed to be very easy and efficient.

Indeed, the next day the municipality called me back and I explained the situation. They said they could not act without permission from the DFO. I asked why the app existed if the city could not act on such complaints. The officer said he did not know. My happiness was short-lived.

A couple of days later, the app notified me that my problem had been solved, and the complaint was removed. But the dead tree still stood there defiantly.

A week later, two forest technicians arrived on a scooter to inspect the tree. They looked up at the tree and asked if I had a measuring tape so they could measure its diameter.

“You are the technicians,” I told them. “You came to inspect the tree, and you came without a measuring tape?”

I rummaged at home and found a tape measure. They got the diameter and said they would prepare a technical report, but I would have to obtain a recommendation letter from the ward office and submit it to the DFO.

“This tree is dead,” I told them. “It is on public land. You have seen it with your own eyes. You know it’s dangerous, so write a report and arrange for it to be cut. Why do I have to run from office to office to apply for recommendation letters?”

Their answer was simple, yet expected: “Those are the rules.”

They left, and I gave up. Two technicians spent half a day visiting the site. The metropolis runs a complaint system with a mobile app funded with public money. The ward office has staff to solve problems. Yet none of these institutions took the responsibility to remove a dangerous tree.

Everyone is busy citing rules and regulations and passing the buck. Weeks passed. Everyone reacted to the problem, but no one took any responsibility to resolving it.

Then, one bright December morning under a deep blue sky, a few neighbourhood boys were swinging their axes on the trunk. They had no proper equipment, no safety gear, and no professional experience.

I gave the boys some money and so did a neighbour. It took an hour or so for the tree to come crashing down safely. We had paid to have the tree cut illegally, and the matter ended there.

Multiple government offices, technicians, procedures, and mobile apps could not remove a dangerous tree, and we had to break the law to cut it. The tree is gone now, but the real problem remains: an inefficient bureaucracy.

It is perhaps symbolic that the tree is the election sign of the Nepali Congress, which was part of Nepal’s governance and bureaucracy for decades and did not perform well in this month’s election.

That is the bureaucracy that the new RSP government now has to get to work. But it will not be easy.

I posted on Facebook: ‘When people feel leaders have grown arrogant or corrupt with power, they change their minds and their votes. If those who replace them follow the same path, voters will again change their minds and votes.’

I continued: ‘The strength of democracy lies in this simple principle: the more citizens act as independent voters, the stronger democracy becomes. The more they behave as party loyalists, the weaker it grows. If we want a better system, we must demand deep reform of the state bureaucracy and hold institutions accountable.’

The first responses came from two senior government officials. They told me privately that they agreed by 200% but could not say so publicly.

It is quite normal for a Nepali to get the run around in government offices, it is almost a given to be asked for a bribe. As an environmental reporter and citizen, I have numerous such examples.

It is not just one sector that has been suffering. It is everywhere, and this is just an example of how complicated our bureaucracy is. As a 40 something person, I am old enough to remember the 1990 pro-democracy movement, the Maoist insurgency. Many promises made then by the politicians were broken.

We fought for rights, we fought for regime change. The country has changed political systems several times, from monarchy to multiparty democracy and finally a republic.

Yet one thing that remains largely untouched or reformed is our inefficient and corrupt bureaucracy. The new government, to be led by the youngest prime minister in our history must start this reform if it wants to deliver.

Otherwise, we may have to keep changing governments every few years, and still find ourselves unable to legally cut down even one dead tree.

Published in print and online: https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/a-dead-tree-tests-nepals-bureaucracy